02-26-2004, 04:47 PM
http://www.hindu.com/lr/2004/02/01/stories...20100310500.htm
The next part is "Founding of a Nation, 1948-1956". Nehru recognised
that "India as a nation in 1947-48 had a deeply ambiguous inheritance". We get a detailed account of Nehru's "forging" of an Indian nation and establishing for it an international identity. The author correctly points out that, "Looking from the perspective of the end of Nehru's century and the ending of a world order demarcated by blocs ranged against each other in fear and hostility, it is perhaps difficult to recognise quite what an innovative and visionary stand India took under Nehru".
The fifth and last part, "The Frustration of a Vision, 1957-1964" deals with the realities of democratic leadership. Nehru was a workaholic who did not believe in delegation. Over the years the lack of sleep and rest took its toll and in April 1958 Nehru asked the party to give him a temporary release from office. The response was a total refusal and both Eisenhower and Khrushchev urged him not to leave. In 1957 the Communist Party came into power in the state of Kerala. Much against his sense of fair play and democratic norms he was forced to agree to the dismissal of a democratically elected state government by the Centre. The failure of Nehru's China policy led to considerable erosion of his authority. Krishna Menon, who was close to Nehru, later wrote, "It had a very bad effect on him. It demoralized him very much. Every thing that he had built was threatened; India was to adopt a militaristic outlook which he did not like. And he also knew about the big economic burdens we were carrying."
In August 1963 Nehru faced the first ever no-confidence motion in the parliament. Though the motion was defeated 346 to 61, it was an indication of the declining authority of the Prime Minister. On crucial policy matters Finance Minister Morarji Desai and Food and Agriculture Minister S.K. Patil defied Nehru. It was against this background that the Kamaraj Plan was adopted and Nehru got rid of both Desai and Patil from the cabinet. But Nehru was not left with much time to reassert his authority in any meaningful fashion. He had a mild stroke while he was about to address the party delegates in Bhubaneshwar in January 1964. Once again , he
refused to appoint a Deputy Prime Minister. Even Mountbatten, on a visit to Delhi,
failed to persuade Nehru to take more rest. He died in the early hours of May 27, 1964.
The next part is "Founding of a Nation, 1948-1956". Nehru recognised
that "India as a nation in 1947-48 had a deeply ambiguous inheritance". We get a detailed account of Nehru's "forging" of an Indian nation and establishing for it an international identity. The author correctly points out that, "Looking from the perspective of the end of Nehru's century and the ending of a world order demarcated by blocs ranged against each other in fear and hostility, it is perhaps difficult to recognise quite what an innovative and visionary stand India took under Nehru".
The fifth and last part, "The Frustration of a Vision, 1957-1964" deals with the realities of democratic leadership. Nehru was a workaholic who did not believe in delegation. Over the years the lack of sleep and rest took its toll and in April 1958 Nehru asked the party to give him a temporary release from office. The response was a total refusal and both Eisenhower and Khrushchev urged him not to leave. In 1957 the Communist Party came into power in the state of Kerala. Much against his sense of fair play and democratic norms he was forced to agree to the dismissal of a democratically elected state government by the Centre. The failure of Nehru's China policy led to considerable erosion of his authority. Krishna Menon, who was close to Nehru, later wrote, "It had a very bad effect on him. It demoralized him very much. Every thing that he had built was threatened; India was to adopt a militaristic outlook which he did not like. And he also knew about the big economic burdens we were carrying."
In August 1963 Nehru faced the first ever no-confidence motion in the parliament. Though the motion was defeated 346 to 61, it was an indication of the declining authority of the Prime Minister. On crucial policy matters Finance Minister Morarji Desai and Food and Agriculture Minister S.K. Patil defied Nehru. It was against this background that the Kamaraj Plan was adopted and Nehru got rid of both Desai and Patil from the cabinet. But Nehru was not left with much time to reassert his authority in any meaningful fashion. He had a mild stroke while he was about to address the party delegates in Bhubaneshwar in January 1964. Once again , he
refused to appoint a Deputy Prime Minister. Even Mountbatten, on a visit to Delhi,
failed to persuade Nehru to take more rest. He died in the early hours of May 27, 1964.