12-21-2006, 10:20 PM
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Education in a royal mess </b>
Pioneer.com
JS Rajput
May 2004 will remain a unique instance of change of power in India. Those ousted from seats of power were shocked because of their overconfidence. Those suddenly thrust into power were equally stunned; they never expected the windfall.<b> Once in power, the most visible face of the Government was projected in reservation, detoxification and "de-saffronisation".</b>
Before May 2004, the term "hidden agenda" was in popular usage in the media as well as "secular" discourse. The "open agenda" that has followed gives top priority to minorities and "weaker sections". It appears India has recently become independent and those occupying the seats of power are in governance for the first time. They even ignore the fact that for 50 years, they have had the authority to ameliorate the condition of Muslims.
<b>Within weeks of assuming power, a meeting on educating minorities was convened. All political parties except one were invited. That is how democracy functions these days. A National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions has come into existence. </b>The signals are clear. So far none of the constitutional or regulatory bodies has done justice to the minority-managed institutions, it seems, hence the sudden realisation that another commission must be established. An attempt was made to convert Aligarh Muslim University into a minority institution. Alas, the judiciary continues to play spoilsport in such adventures.
Every Government is desperate to win over minorities for they can make the difference in elections. Hence the urge that something must be done for madarsas if Muslims are to be kept in good humour. In 2001, <b>the Government wanted a Central Advisory Board for Madarsas as it was worried about funding to madarsas from Saudi Arabia and Gulf countries. The UPA Government is not worried on that count</b>. <b>With only four per cent Muslim children joining madarsas, the Human Resource Development Ministry has begun the 'exploratory process' of setting up a Central Board for Madarsas. Ninety-six per cent children of the community can wait but four per cent in madarsas must be put under the bureaucracy's care.</b>
Promises are being made that madarsas must be modernised as the critical ingredient for the uplift of Muslims. Out of nearly one million schools, Government surveys indicate that about 50,000 are without buildings and over a lakh with a single room. Instead of looking after such aspects, the Government is determined to alienate the Muslim community that manages these madarsas. Several States have already established madarsa boards. How many of these have made their presence felt by professionally upgrading the quality of madarsas and the education being imparted there?
In the priority list of politicians, Muslim welfare is put just above that of the "Other Backward Classes". With great fanfare, 27 per cent reservation of seats for OBCs in all Central institutions was announced. It brought back memories of the days of Mr VP Singh as Prime Minister. If the HRD Ministry had had its way, it would have been implemented in one go. In came the Veerappa Moily Committee and institutions like IITs and IIMs were extended small mercies: "Do it in phases in three years. Do not worry about funds." To counter the backlash, the seats for the general category were not to be reduced. A couple of institutions that dared to object were silenced.
The entire issue was mismanaged and forced upon the institutions in a hurry. The Delhi University will have to accommodate an additional 20,000 students in the next academic year. The university, which is already short of 300 teachers, will have to recruit 2,300 more teachers in the next six months. The 17 Central universities will have to accommodate 50,000 extra students in the next academic year to implement the 27 per cent OBC quota. That requires an additional 6,600 teachers.
Even those who support reservation for weaker sections are disturbed by the fact that admissions are likely to be made without adequate infrastructure and academic resources. It will lead to a dilution in the quality of teaching and learning. Academic decisions need to be implemented after careful professional consideration.
Soon after the UPA came to power, the HRD Ministry began grabbing headlines, sacking individuals, appointing inquiry committees, banning books on subjects like Global Educational Change and Thirukkural, dissolving governing bodies, bringing in old loyal hands, so on and so forth. After 30 months, the "detoxification" drive stands demystified. <b>As against nine paragraphs removed from the textbooks in 2000-01, Delhi High Court has been informed on November 7, 2006, that of the 75 paragraphs objected to in the court, 46 have already been removed, the remaining shall be removed over in the next two academic years.</b>
Interestingly, when a paragraph about the Jat community was replaced in 2000, it was termed "communal" and hence brought back in 2004. In the last week of October 2006, the Chief Minister of the Jat heartland took up the issue with the HRD Ministry and within 24 hours the same paragraph was removed. Now, this is certainly a secular act!
One of the most provisions under Article 45 of the Directive Principles of State Policy is that the state shall provide "free and compulsory education to all children till they attain 14 years of age". A 1993 Supreme Court ruling says that the right to education is a Fundamental Right, flowing from the right to life under Article 21. The 86th Constitutional Amendment (2002) in Article 21(A) says, "The state shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age six to 14 years in such a way as the state may, by law, determine." Article 45 was modified, thus: "The state shall endeavour to provide early childhood care and education for all the children until they complete the age of six years."
All this was found inadequate and the UPA Government went on a publicity overdrive to announce that elementary education would become a functional Fundamental Right and, within practically no time, every child in the scheduled age group would get good quality education in a good school. An education cess was imposed and enhanced fund availability was made to look as a solution to all the ills. How many functionaries in the field of education, including teachers, are aware of the current position concerning "education as a Fundamental Right"? Why do millions of children continue to remain out of schools even today?
The core issue is the quality of elementary education in schools where children of weaker sections and minorities study. Nothing else should matter more for minorities and Other Backward Classes than providing them with good and functional schools. They deserve avenues in higher education on a priority basis, but only with adequate preparedness and assured quality in curriculum and its transaction.
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Pioneer.com
JS Rajput
May 2004 will remain a unique instance of change of power in India. Those ousted from seats of power were shocked because of their overconfidence. Those suddenly thrust into power were equally stunned; they never expected the windfall.<b> Once in power, the most visible face of the Government was projected in reservation, detoxification and "de-saffronisation".</b>
Before May 2004, the term "hidden agenda" was in popular usage in the media as well as "secular" discourse. The "open agenda" that has followed gives top priority to minorities and "weaker sections". It appears India has recently become independent and those occupying the seats of power are in governance for the first time. They even ignore the fact that for 50 years, they have had the authority to ameliorate the condition of Muslims.
<b>Within weeks of assuming power, a meeting on educating minorities was convened. All political parties except one were invited. That is how democracy functions these days. A National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions has come into existence. </b>The signals are clear. So far none of the constitutional or regulatory bodies has done justice to the minority-managed institutions, it seems, hence the sudden realisation that another commission must be established. An attempt was made to convert Aligarh Muslim University into a minority institution. Alas, the judiciary continues to play spoilsport in such adventures.
Every Government is desperate to win over minorities for they can make the difference in elections. Hence the urge that something must be done for madarsas if Muslims are to be kept in good humour. In 2001, <b>the Government wanted a Central Advisory Board for Madarsas as it was worried about funding to madarsas from Saudi Arabia and Gulf countries. The UPA Government is not worried on that count</b>. <b>With only four per cent Muslim children joining madarsas, the Human Resource Development Ministry has begun the 'exploratory process' of setting up a Central Board for Madarsas. Ninety-six per cent children of the community can wait but four per cent in madarsas must be put under the bureaucracy's care.</b>
Promises are being made that madarsas must be modernised as the critical ingredient for the uplift of Muslims. Out of nearly one million schools, Government surveys indicate that about 50,000 are without buildings and over a lakh with a single room. Instead of looking after such aspects, the Government is determined to alienate the Muslim community that manages these madarsas. Several States have already established madarsa boards. How many of these have made their presence felt by professionally upgrading the quality of madarsas and the education being imparted there?
In the priority list of politicians, Muslim welfare is put just above that of the "Other Backward Classes". With great fanfare, 27 per cent reservation of seats for OBCs in all Central institutions was announced. It brought back memories of the days of Mr VP Singh as Prime Minister. If the HRD Ministry had had its way, it would have been implemented in one go. In came the Veerappa Moily Committee and institutions like IITs and IIMs were extended small mercies: "Do it in phases in three years. Do not worry about funds." To counter the backlash, the seats for the general category were not to be reduced. A couple of institutions that dared to object were silenced.
The entire issue was mismanaged and forced upon the institutions in a hurry. The Delhi University will have to accommodate an additional 20,000 students in the next academic year. The university, which is already short of 300 teachers, will have to recruit 2,300 more teachers in the next six months. The 17 Central universities will have to accommodate 50,000 extra students in the next academic year to implement the 27 per cent OBC quota. That requires an additional 6,600 teachers.
Even those who support reservation for weaker sections are disturbed by the fact that admissions are likely to be made without adequate infrastructure and academic resources. It will lead to a dilution in the quality of teaching and learning. Academic decisions need to be implemented after careful professional consideration.
Soon after the UPA came to power, the HRD Ministry began grabbing headlines, sacking individuals, appointing inquiry committees, banning books on subjects like Global Educational Change and Thirukkural, dissolving governing bodies, bringing in old loyal hands, so on and so forth. After 30 months, the "detoxification" drive stands demystified. <b>As against nine paragraphs removed from the textbooks in 2000-01, Delhi High Court has been informed on November 7, 2006, that of the 75 paragraphs objected to in the court, 46 have already been removed, the remaining shall be removed over in the next two academic years.</b>
Interestingly, when a paragraph about the Jat community was replaced in 2000, it was termed "communal" and hence brought back in 2004. In the last week of October 2006, the Chief Minister of the Jat heartland took up the issue with the HRD Ministry and within 24 hours the same paragraph was removed. Now, this is certainly a secular act!
One of the most provisions under Article 45 of the Directive Principles of State Policy is that the state shall provide "free and compulsory education to all children till they attain 14 years of age". A 1993 Supreme Court ruling says that the right to education is a Fundamental Right, flowing from the right to life under Article 21. The 86th Constitutional Amendment (2002) in Article 21(A) says, "The state shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age six to 14 years in such a way as the state may, by law, determine." Article 45 was modified, thus: "The state shall endeavour to provide early childhood care and education for all the children until they complete the age of six years."
All this was found inadequate and the UPA Government went on a publicity overdrive to announce that elementary education would become a functional Fundamental Right and, within practically no time, every child in the scheduled age group would get good quality education in a good school. An education cess was imposed and enhanced fund availability was made to look as a solution to all the ills. How many functionaries in the field of education, including teachers, are aware of the current position concerning "education as a Fundamental Right"? Why do millions of children continue to remain out of schools even today?
The core issue is the quality of elementary education in schools where children of weaker sections and minorities study. Nothing else should matter more for minorities and Other Backward Classes than providing them with good and functional schools. They deserve avenues in higher education on a priority basis, but only with adequate preparedness and assured quality in curriculum and its transaction.
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