04-10-2004, 08:44 PM
Equally important is the fact that the army is the ultimate sanction which sustains Government in
the exercise of its authority inside the country, when it is challenged by a rebellious or recalcitrant
element. Suppose the Government of the day enunciates a policy which is vehemently opposed by a
section of the Muslims. Suppose the Government of the day is required to use its army to enforce
its policy. Can the Government of the day depend upon the Muslims in the army to obey its orders
and shoot down the Muslim rebels ? This again depends upon to what extent the Muslims in the
army have caught the infection of the two-nation theory. If they have caught it, India cannot have a
safe and secure Government.
Turning to the second governing factor the Hindus do not seem to attach any value to sentiment as
a force in politics. The Hindus seem to rely upon two grounds to win against the Muslims. The first
is that even if the Hindus and the Muslims are two nations, they can live under one state. The other
is that the Muslim case for Pakistan is founded on strong sentiment rather than upon clear
argument. I don't know how long the Hindus are going to fool themselves with such arguments. It
is true that the first argument is not without precedent. At the same time it does not call for much
intelligence to see that its value is extremely limited. two nations and one state is a pretty plea. It
has the same attraction which a sermon has and may result in the conversion of Muslim leaders.
But instead of being uttered as a sermon if it is intended to issue it as an ordinance for the Muslims
to obey it will be a mad project to which no sane man will agree. It will, I am sure, defeat the very
purpose of Swaraj. The second argument is equally silly. That the Muslim case for Pakistan is
founded on sentiment is far from being a matter of weakness; it is really its strong point. It does not
need deep understanding of politics to know that the workability of a constitution is not a matter of
theory. It is a matter of sentiment. A constitution like clothes must suit as well as please. If a
constitution does not please, then, however perfect it may be, it will not work. To have a
constitution which runs counter to the strong sentiments of a determined section is to court disaster
if not to invite rebellion.
It is not realized by the Hindus that, assuming there is a safe army, rule by armed forces is not the
normal method of governing a people. Force, it cannot be denied, is the medicine of the body
politic and must be administered when the body politic becomes sick. But just because force is the
medicine of the body politic it cannot be allowed to become its daily bread. A body politic must
work as a matter of course by springs of action which are natural. This can happen only when the
different elements constituting the body politic have the will to work together and to obey the laws
and orders passed by a duly constituted authority. Suppose the new constitution for a United India
contained in it all the provisions necessary to safeguard the interests of the Muslims. But suppose
the Muslims said " Thank you for your safeguards, we don't want to be ruled by you " ; and
suppose they boycott the Legislatures, refuse to obey laws, oppose the payment of taxes ; what is to
happen ? Are the Hindus prepared to extract obedience from Muslims by the use of Hindu bayonets
? Is Swaraj to be an opportunity to serve the people or is it to be an opportunity for Hindus to
conquer the Musalmans and for the Musalmans to conquer the Hindus ? Swaraj must be a
Government of the people by the people and for the people. This is the raison d'etre of Swaraj and
the only justification for Swaraj. If Swaraj is to usher in an era in which the Hindus and the
Muslims will be engaged in scheming against each other, the one planning to conquer its rival, why
should we have Swaraj and why should the democratic nations allow such a Swaraj to come into
existence ? It will be a snare, a delusion and a perversion.
The non-Muslims do not seem to be aware that they are presented with a situation in which they are
forced to choose between various alternatives. Let me state them. In the first place they have to
choose between Freedom of India and the Unity of India. If the non-Muslims will insist on the
Unity of India they put the quick realization of India's freedom into jeopardy. The second choice
relates to the surest method of defending India, whether they can depend upon Muslims in a free
and united India to develop and sustain along with the non-Muslims the necessary will to defend
the common liberties of both: or whether it is better to partition India and thereby ensure the safety
of Muslim India by leaving its defence to the Muslims and of non-Muslim India by leaving its
defence to non-Muslims.
As to the first, I prefer Freedom of India to the Unity of India. The Sinn Feinners who were the
staunchest of nationalists to be found anywhere in the world and who like the Indians were
presented with similar alternatives chose the freedom of Ireland to the unity of Ireland. The
non-Muslims who are opposed to partition may well profit by the advice tendered by the Rev.
Michael O'Flanagan, at one time Vice-President of the Feinns to the Irish Nationalists on the issue
of the partition of Ireland. 10[f.10] Said the Rev. Father :â
" If we reject Home Rule rather than agree to the exclusion of the Unionist parts of Ulster, what
case have we to put before the world ? We can point out that Ireland is an island with a definite
geographical boundary. That argument might be all right if we were appealing to a number of
Island nationalities that had themselves definite geographical boundaries. Appealing, as we are, to
continental nations with shifting boundaries, that argument will have no force whatever. National
and geographical boundaries scarcely ever coincide. Geography would make one nation of Spain
and Portugal; history has made two of them. Geography did its best to make one nation of Norway
and Sweden ; history has succeeded in making two of them. Geography has scarcely anything to
say to the number of nations upon the North American continent; history has done the whole thing.
If a man were to try to construct a political map of Europe out of its physical map, he would find
himself groping in the dark. Geography has worked hard to make one nation out of Ireland; history
has. worked against it. The island of Ireland and the national unit of Ireland simply do not coincide.
In the last analysis the test of nationality is the wish of the people."
These words have emanated from a profound sense of realism which we in India so lamentably
lack.
On the second issue I prefer the partitioning of India into Muslim India and non-Muslim India as
the surest and safest method of providing for the defence of both. It is certainly the safer of the two
alternatives. I know it will be contended that my fears about the loyalty of the Muslims in the army
to a Free and United India arising from the infection of the two nation theory is only an imaginary
fear. That is no doubt true. That does not militate against the soundness of the choice I have made. I
may be wrong. But I certainly can say without any fear of contradiction that, to use the words of
Burke, it is better to be ridiculed for too great a credulity than to be ruined by too confident a sense
of security. I don't want to leave things to chance. To leave so important an issue, as the defence of
India, to. chance is to be guilty of the grossest crime.
Nobody will consent to the Muslim demand for Pakistan unless he is forced to do so. At the same
time, it would be a folly not to face what is inevitable and face it with courage and common sense.
Equally would it be a folly to lose the. Part one can retain in the vain attempt of preserving the
whole.
These are the reasons why I hold that if the Musalman will not yield on the issue of Pakistan then
Pakistan must come. So far as I am concerned the only important question is : Are the Musalmans
determined to have Pakistan ? Or is Pakistan a mere cry ? Is it only a passing mood ? Or does it
represent their permanent aspiration ? On this there may be difference of opinion. Once it becomes
certain that the Muslims want Pakistan there can be no doubt that the wise course would be to
concede the principle of it.
the exercise of its authority inside the country, when it is challenged by a rebellious or recalcitrant
element. Suppose the Government of the day enunciates a policy which is vehemently opposed by a
section of the Muslims. Suppose the Government of the day is required to use its army to enforce
its policy. Can the Government of the day depend upon the Muslims in the army to obey its orders
and shoot down the Muslim rebels ? This again depends upon to what extent the Muslims in the
army have caught the infection of the two-nation theory. If they have caught it, India cannot have a
safe and secure Government.
Turning to the second governing factor the Hindus do not seem to attach any value to sentiment as
a force in politics. The Hindus seem to rely upon two grounds to win against the Muslims. The first
is that even if the Hindus and the Muslims are two nations, they can live under one state. The other
is that the Muslim case for Pakistan is founded on strong sentiment rather than upon clear
argument. I don't know how long the Hindus are going to fool themselves with such arguments. It
is true that the first argument is not without precedent. At the same time it does not call for much
intelligence to see that its value is extremely limited. two nations and one state is a pretty plea. It
has the same attraction which a sermon has and may result in the conversion of Muslim leaders.
But instead of being uttered as a sermon if it is intended to issue it as an ordinance for the Muslims
to obey it will be a mad project to which no sane man will agree. It will, I am sure, defeat the very
purpose of Swaraj. The second argument is equally silly. That the Muslim case for Pakistan is
founded on sentiment is far from being a matter of weakness; it is really its strong point. It does not
need deep understanding of politics to know that the workability of a constitution is not a matter of
theory. It is a matter of sentiment. A constitution like clothes must suit as well as please. If a
constitution does not please, then, however perfect it may be, it will not work. To have a
constitution which runs counter to the strong sentiments of a determined section is to court disaster
if not to invite rebellion.
It is not realized by the Hindus that, assuming there is a safe army, rule by armed forces is not the
normal method of governing a people. Force, it cannot be denied, is the medicine of the body
politic and must be administered when the body politic becomes sick. But just because force is the
medicine of the body politic it cannot be allowed to become its daily bread. A body politic must
work as a matter of course by springs of action which are natural. This can happen only when the
different elements constituting the body politic have the will to work together and to obey the laws
and orders passed by a duly constituted authority. Suppose the new constitution for a United India
contained in it all the provisions necessary to safeguard the interests of the Muslims. But suppose
the Muslims said " Thank you for your safeguards, we don't want to be ruled by you " ; and
suppose they boycott the Legislatures, refuse to obey laws, oppose the payment of taxes ; what is to
happen ? Are the Hindus prepared to extract obedience from Muslims by the use of Hindu bayonets
? Is Swaraj to be an opportunity to serve the people or is it to be an opportunity for Hindus to
conquer the Musalmans and for the Musalmans to conquer the Hindus ? Swaraj must be a
Government of the people by the people and for the people. This is the raison d'etre of Swaraj and
the only justification for Swaraj. If Swaraj is to usher in an era in which the Hindus and the
Muslims will be engaged in scheming against each other, the one planning to conquer its rival, why
should we have Swaraj and why should the democratic nations allow such a Swaraj to come into
existence ? It will be a snare, a delusion and a perversion.
The non-Muslims do not seem to be aware that they are presented with a situation in which they are
forced to choose between various alternatives. Let me state them. In the first place they have to
choose between Freedom of India and the Unity of India. If the non-Muslims will insist on the
Unity of India they put the quick realization of India's freedom into jeopardy. The second choice
relates to the surest method of defending India, whether they can depend upon Muslims in a free
and united India to develop and sustain along with the non-Muslims the necessary will to defend
the common liberties of both: or whether it is better to partition India and thereby ensure the safety
of Muslim India by leaving its defence to the Muslims and of non-Muslim India by leaving its
defence to non-Muslims.
As to the first, I prefer Freedom of India to the Unity of India. The Sinn Feinners who were the
staunchest of nationalists to be found anywhere in the world and who like the Indians were
presented with similar alternatives chose the freedom of Ireland to the unity of Ireland. The
non-Muslims who are opposed to partition may well profit by the advice tendered by the Rev.
Michael O'Flanagan, at one time Vice-President of the Feinns to the Irish Nationalists on the issue
of the partition of Ireland. 10[f.10] Said the Rev. Father :â
" If we reject Home Rule rather than agree to the exclusion of the Unionist parts of Ulster, what
case have we to put before the world ? We can point out that Ireland is an island with a definite
geographical boundary. That argument might be all right if we were appealing to a number of
Island nationalities that had themselves definite geographical boundaries. Appealing, as we are, to
continental nations with shifting boundaries, that argument will have no force whatever. National
and geographical boundaries scarcely ever coincide. Geography would make one nation of Spain
and Portugal; history has made two of them. Geography did its best to make one nation of Norway
and Sweden ; history has succeeded in making two of them. Geography has scarcely anything to
say to the number of nations upon the North American continent; history has done the whole thing.
If a man were to try to construct a political map of Europe out of its physical map, he would find
himself groping in the dark. Geography has worked hard to make one nation out of Ireland; history
has. worked against it. The island of Ireland and the national unit of Ireland simply do not coincide.
In the last analysis the test of nationality is the wish of the people."
These words have emanated from a profound sense of realism which we in India so lamentably
lack.
On the second issue I prefer the partitioning of India into Muslim India and non-Muslim India as
the surest and safest method of providing for the defence of both. It is certainly the safer of the two
alternatives. I know it will be contended that my fears about the loyalty of the Muslims in the army
to a Free and United India arising from the infection of the two nation theory is only an imaginary
fear. That is no doubt true. That does not militate against the soundness of the choice I have made. I
may be wrong. But I certainly can say without any fear of contradiction that, to use the words of
Burke, it is better to be ridiculed for too great a credulity than to be ruined by too confident a sense
of security. I don't want to leave things to chance. To leave so important an issue, as the defence of
India, to. chance is to be guilty of the grossest crime.
Nobody will consent to the Muslim demand for Pakistan unless he is forced to do so. At the same
time, it would be a folly not to face what is inevitable and face it with courage and common sense.
Equally would it be a folly to lose the. Part one can retain in the vain attempt of preserving the
whole.
These are the reasons why I hold that if the Musalman will not yield on the issue of Pakistan then
Pakistan must come. So far as I am concerned the only important question is : Are the Musalmans
determined to have Pakistan ? Or is Pakistan a mere cry ? Is it only a passing mood ? Or does it
represent their permanent aspiration ? On this there may be difference of opinion. Once it becomes
certain that the Muslims want Pakistan there can be no doubt that the wise course would be to
concede the principle of it.