04-10-2004, 08:31 PM
IV
What is the lesson to be drawn from the story of these two countries ?
There is some difference as to how the matters should be put. Mr. Sydney Brooks would say that
the cause of these wars of disruption is nationalism, which according to him is the enemy of the
universal peace. Mr. Norman Angell, on the other hand, would say it is not nationalism but the
threat to nationalism which is the cause. To Mr. Robertson nationalism is an irrational instinct, if
not a positive hallucination, and the sooner humanity got rid of it the better for all.
In whatever way the matter is put and howsoever ardently one may wish for the elimination of
nationalism, the lesson to be drawn is quite clear: that nationalism is a fact which can neither be
eluded nor denied. Whether one calls it an irrational instinct or positive hallucination, the fact
remains that it is a potent force which has a dynamic power to disrupt empires. Whether
nationalism is the cause or the threat to nationalism is the cause, is a difference of emphasis only.
The real thing is to recognize, as does Mr. Toynbee, that " nationalism is strong enough to produce
war in spite of us. It has terribly proved itself to be no outworn creed, but a vital force to be
reckoned with." As was pointed out by him, " the right reading of nationalism has become an affair
of life and death." It was not only so for Europe. It was so for Turkey. It was so for
Czechoslovakia. And what was a question of life and death to them could not but be one of life and
death to India. Prof. Toynbee pleaded, as was done before him by Guizot, for the recognition of
nationality as the necessary foundation of European peace. Could India ignore to recognize this
plea ? If she does, she will be acting at her peril. That nationalism is a disruptive force is not the
only lesson to be learnt from the history of these two countries. Their experience embodies much
else of equal if not of greater significance. What that is, will be evident if certain facts are recalled
to memory.
The Turks were by no means as illiberal as they are painted. They allowed their minorities a large
measure of autonomy. The Turks had gone far towards solving the problem of how people of
different communities with different social heritages are to live together in harmony when they are
geographically intermingled. The Ottoman Empire had accorded, as a matter of course, to the
non-Muslim and non-Turkish communities within its frontiers a degree of territorial as well as
cultural autonomy which had never been dreamt of in the political philosophy of the West. Ought
not the Christian subjects to have been satisfied with this ? Say what one may, the nationalism of
Christian minorities was not satisfied with this local autonomy. It fought for complete freedom and
in that fight Turkey was slit open.
The Turks were bound to the Arabs by the tie of religion. The religious tie of Islam is the strongest
known to humanity. No social confederacy can claim to rival the Islamic brotherhood in point of
solidarity-. Add to this the fact that while the Turk treated his Christian subjects as his inferior, he
acknowledged the Arab as his equal. All non-Muslims were excluded from the Ottoman army. But
the Arab soldiers and officers served side by side with Turks and Kurds. The Arab officer class,
educated in Turkish school, served in military and civil capacities on the same terms as the Turks.
There was no derogating distinction between the Turk and the Arab, and there was nothing to
prevent the Arab from rising to the highest rank in the Ottoman services. Not only politically but
even socially the Arab was treated as his equal by the Turk and Arabs married Turkish wives and
Turks married Arab wives. Ought not the Arabs to have been satisfied with this Islamic
brotherhood of Arabs and Turks based on fraternity, liberty and equality ? Say what one may, the
Arabs were not satisfied. Arab nationalism broke the bonds of Islam and fought against his fellow
Muslim, the Turk, for its independence. It won, but Turkey was completely dismantled.
As to Czechoslovakia, she began with the recognition that both the Czechs and the Slovaks were
one people. Within a few years, the Slovaks claimed to be a separate nation. They would not even
admit that they were a branch of the same stock as the Czechs. Their nationalism compelled the
Czechs to recognize the fact that they were a distinct people. The Czechs sought to pacify the
nationalism of the Slovaks by drawing a hyphen as a mark indicating distinctness. In place of
Czechoslovakia they agreed to have Czecho-Slovakia. But even with the hyphen the Slovak
nationalism remained discontented. The act of autonomy was both, a hyphen separating them from
the Czechs as well as a link joining them with the Czechs. The hyphen as making separation was
welcome to the Slovaks but as making a link with the Czechs was very irksome to them. The
Slovaks accepted the autonomy with its hyphen with great relief and promised to be content and
loyal to the state. But evidently this was only a matter of strategy. They did not accept it as an
ultimate end. They accepted it because they thought that they could use it as a vantage ground for
destroying the hyphen which was their main aim and convert autonomy into independence. The
nationalism of the Slovaks was not content with a hyphen. It wanted a bar in place of the hyphen.
Immediately the hyphen was introduced, they began their battle to replace the hyphen between the
Czechs and the Slovaks by a bar. They did not care what means they should employ. Their
nationalism was so wrong-headed and so intense that when they failed they did not hesitate to call
the aid of the Germans.
Thus a deeper study of the disruption of Turkey and Czechoslovakia shows that neither local
autonomy nor the bond of religion is sufficient to withstand the force of nationalism, once it is set
on the go.
This is a lesson which the Hindus will do well to grasp. They should ask themselves : if the Greek,
Balkan and Arab nationalism has blown up the Turkish State and if Slovak nationalism has caused
the dismantling of Czechoslovakia, what is thereto prevent Muslim nationalism from disrupting the
Indian State ? If experience of other countries teaches that this is the inevitable consequence of
pent-up nationalism, why not profit by their experience and avoid the catastrophe by agreeing to
divide India into Pakistan and Hindustan ? Let the Hindus take the warning that if they refuse to
divide India into two before they launch on their career as a free people, they will be sailing in
those shoal waters in which Turkey, Czechoslovakia and many others have foundered. If they wish
to avoid shipwreck in mid-ocean, they must lighten the draught by throwing overboard all
superfluous cargo. They will ease the course of their voyage considerably if theyâto use the
language of Prof. Toynbeeâreconcile themselves to making jetsam of less cherished and more
combustible cargo.
What is the lesson to be drawn from the story of these two countries ?
There is some difference as to how the matters should be put. Mr. Sydney Brooks would say that
the cause of these wars of disruption is nationalism, which according to him is the enemy of the
universal peace. Mr. Norman Angell, on the other hand, would say it is not nationalism but the
threat to nationalism which is the cause. To Mr. Robertson nationalism is an irrational instinct, if
not a positive hallucination, and the sooner humanity got rid of it the better for all.
In whatever way the matter is put and howsoever ardently one may wish for the elimination of
nationalism, the lesson to be drawn is quite clear: that nationalism is a fact which can neither be
eluded nor denied. Whether one calls it an irrational instinct or positive hallucination, the fact
remains that it is a potent force which has a dynamic power to disrupt empires. Whether
nationalism is the cause or the threat to nationalism is the cause, is a difference of emphasis only.
The real thing is to recognize, as does Mr. Toynbee, that " nationalism is strong enough to produce
war in spite of us. It has terribly proved itself to be no outworn creed, but a vital force to be
reckoned with." As was pointed out by him, " the right reading of nationalism has become an affair
of life and death." It was not only so for Europe. It was so for Turkey. It was so for
Czechoslovakia. And what was a question of life and death to them could not but be one of life and
death to India. Prof. Toynbee pleaded, as was done before him by Guizot, for the recognition of
nationality as the necessary foundation of European peace. Could India ignore to recognize this
plea ? If she does, she will be acting at her peril. That nationalism is a disruptive force is not the
only lesson to be learnt from the history of these two countries. Their experience embodies much
else of equal if not of greater significance. What that is, will be evident if certain facts are recalled
to memory.
The Turks were by no means as illiberal as they are painted. They allowed their minorities a large
measure of autonomy. The Turks had gone far towards solving the problem of how people of
different communities with different social heritages are to live together in harmony when they are
geographically intermingled. The Ottoman Empire had accorded, as a matter of course, to the
non-Muslim and non-Turkish communities within its frontiers a degree of territorial as well as
cultural autonomy which had never been dreamt of in the political philosophy of the West. Ought
not the Christian subjects to have been satisfied with this ? Say what one may, the nationalism of
Christian minorities was not satisfied with this local autonomy. It fought for complete freedom and
in that fight Turkey was slit open.
The Turks were bound to the Arabs by the tie of religion. The religious tie of Islam is the strongest
known to humanity. No social confederacy can claim to rival the Islamic brotherhood in point of
solidarity-. Add to this the fact that while the Turk treated his Christian subjects as his inferior, he
acknowledged the Arab as his equal. All non-Muslims were excluded from the Ottoman army. But
the Arab soldiers and officers served side by side with Turks and Kurds. The Arab officer class,
educated in Turkish school, served in military and civil capacities on the same terms as the Turks.
There was no derogating distinction between the Turk and the Arab, and there was nothing to
prevent the Arab from rising to the highest rank in the Ottoman services. Not only politically but
even socially the Arab was treated as his equal by the Turk and Arabs married Turkish wives and
Turks married Arab wives. Ought not the Arabs to have been satisfied with this Islamic
brotherhood of Arabs and Turks based on fraternity, liberty and equality ? Say what one may, the
Arabs were not satisfied. Arab nationalism broke the bonds of Islam and fought against his fellow
Muslim, the Turk, for its independence. It won, but Turkey was completely dismantled.
As to Czechoslovakia, she began with the recognition that both the Czechs and the Slovaks were
one people. Within a few years, the Slovaks claimed to be a separate nation. They would not even
admit that they were a branch of the same stock as the Czechs. Their nationalism compelled the
Czechs to recognize the fact that they were a distinct people. The Czechs sought to pacify the
nationalism of the Slovaks by drawing a hyphen as a mark indicating distinctness. In place of
Czechoslovakia they agreed to have Czecho-Slovakia. But even with the hyphen the Slovak
nationalism remained discontented. The act of autonomy was both, a hyphen separating them from
the Czechs as well as a link joining them with the Czechs. The hyphen as making separation was
welcome to the Slovaks but as making a link with the Czechs was very irksome to them. The
Slovaks accepted the autonomy with its hyphen with great relief and promised to be content and
loyal to the state. But evidently this was only a matter of strategy. They did not accept it as an
ultimate end. They accepted it because they thought that they could use it as a vantage ground for
destroying the hyphen which was their main aim and convert autonomy into independence. The
nationalism of the Slovaks was not content with a hyphen. It wanted a bar in place of the hyphen.
Immediately the hyphen was introduced, they began their battle to replace the hyphen between the
Czechs and the Slovaks by a bar. They did not care what means they should employ. Their
nationalism was so wrong-headed and so intense that when they failed they did not hesitate to call
the aid of the Germans.
Thus a deeper study of the disruption of Turkey and Czechoslovakia shows that neither local
autonomy nor the bond of religion is sufficient to withstand the force of nationalism, once it is set
on the go.
This is a lesson which the Hindus will do well to grasp. They should ask themselves : if the Greek,
Balkan and Arab nationalism has blown up the Turkish State and if Slovak nationalism has caused
the dismantling of Czechoslovakia, what is thereto prevent Muslim nationalism from disrupting the
Indian State ? If experience of other countries teaches that this is the inevitable consequence of
pent-up nationalism, why not profit by their experience and avoid the catastrophe by agreeing to
divide India into Pakistan and Hindustan ? Let the Hindus take the warning that if they refuse to
divide India into two before they launch on their career as a free people, they will be sailing in
those shoal waters in which Turkey, Czechoslovakia and many others have foundered. If they wish
to avoid shipwreck in mid-ocean, they must lighten the draught by throwing overboard all
superfluous cargo. They will ease the course of their voyage considerably if theyâto use the
language of Prof. Toynbeeâreconcile themselves to making jetsam of less cherished and more
combustible cargo.