04-10-2004, 02:57 PM
CHAPTER VII
MUSLIM ALTERNATIVE TO PAKISTAN
I
The Hindus say they have an alternative to Pakistan. Have the Muslims also an alternative to
Pakistan? The Hindus say yes, the Muslims say no. The Hindus believe that the Muslim proposal
for Pakistan is only a bargaining manoeuvre put forth with the object of making additions to the
communal gains already secured under the Communal Award. The Muslims repudiate the
suggestion. They say there is no equivalent to Pakistan and, therefore, they will have Pakistan and
nothing but Pakistan. It does seem that the Musalmans are devoted-to Pakistan and are determined
to have nothing else and that the Hindus in hoping for an alternative are merely indulging in
wishful thinking. But assuming that the Hindus are shrewd enough in divining what the Muslim
game is, will the Hindus be ready to welcome the Muslim alternative to Pakistan? The answer to
the question must, of course, depend upon what the Muslim alternative is.
What is the Muslim alternative to Pakistan? No one knows. The Muslims, if they have any, have
not disclosed it and perhaps will not disclose it till the day when the rival parties meet to revise and
settle the terms on which the Hindus and the Muslims are to associate with each other in the future.
To be forewarned is to be forearmed. It is, therefore, necessary for the Hindus to have some idea of
the possible Muslim alternative to enable them to meet the shock of it; for the alternative cannot be
better than the Communal Award and is sure to be many degrees worse.
In the absence of the exact alternative proposal one can only make a guess. Now one man's guess is
as good as that of another, and the party concerned has to choose on which of these he will rely.
Among the likely guesses, my guess is that the Muslims will put forth as their alternative some
such proposal as the following :â
"That the future constitution of India shall provide:
(i) That the Muslims shall have 50% representation in the Legislature, Central as well as Provincial,
through separate electorates.
(ii) That 50% of the Executive in the Centre as well as in the Provinces shall consist of Muslims.
(iii) That in the Civil Service 50% of the posts shall be assigned for the Muslims.
(iv) That in the Fighting Forces the Muslim proportion shall be one half, both in the ranks and in
the higher grades.
(v) That Muslims shall have 50% representation in all public bodies, such as councils and
commissions, created for public purposes.
(vi) That Muslims shall have 50% representation in all international organizations in which India
will participate.
(vii) That if the Prime Minister be a Hindu, the Deputy Prime Minister shall be a Muslim.
(viii) That if the Commander-in-Chief be a Hindu, the Deputy Commander-in-Chief shall be a
Muslim.
(ix) That no changes in the Provincial boundaries shall be made except with the consent of 66% of
the Muslim members of the Legislature.
(x) That no action or treaty against a Muslim country shall be valid unless the consent of 66% of
the Muslim members of the Legislature is obtained.
(xi) That no law affecting the culture or religion or religious usage of Muslims shall be made
except with the consent of 66% of the Muslim members of the Legislature.
(xii) That the national language for India shall be Urdu. (xiii) That no law prohibiting or restricting
the slaughter of cows or the propagation of and conversion to Islam shall be valid unless it is passed
with the consent of 66% of the Muslim members of the Legislature.
(viv) That no change in the constitution shall be valid unless the majority required for effecting
such changes also includes a 66% majority of the Muslim members of the Legislature.
This guess of mine is not the result of imagination let loose. It is not the result of a desire to
frighten the Hindus into an unwilling and hasty acceptance of Pakistan, If I may say so, it is really
an intelligent anticipation based upon available data coming from Muslim quarters.
An indication of what the Muslim alternative is likely to be, is obtainable from the nature of the
Constitutional Reforms which are contemplated for the Dominions of His Exalted Highness the
Nizam of Hyderabad.
The Hyderabad scheme of Reforms is a novel scheme. It rejects the scheme of communal
representation obtaining in British India. In its place is substituted what is called Functional
Representation, i.e. representation by classes and by professions. The composition of the
Legislature which is to consist of 70 members is to be as follows :â
Elected Nominated
Agricluture 12 Illakas 8
Patidars 8 Sarf-i-Khas 2
Tenants 4 Paigahs 3
Women 1
Graduates 1 Peshkari 1
University 1
Jagirdars 2 Salar Jung 1
Maashdars 1
Legal 2 Samasthans 1
Medical 2
Western 1 Officials 18
Rural Arts and Crafts 1
Oriental 1 Backward Classes 1
Teaching 1 Minor Unrepresented 3
Commerce 1 Classes.
Industries 2 Others 6
Banking 2
Indigenous 1 1
Co-operative and
Joint Stock 1 1
Organized Labour 1
Harijan 1
District Municipalities 1
City Municipality 1
Rural Boards 1
Total 33 Total . 37
Whether the scheme of functional representation will promote better harmony between the various
classes and sections than communal representation does is more than doubtful. In addition to
perpetuating existing social and religious divisions, it may quite easily intensify class struggle by
emphasizing class consciousness. The scheme appears innocuous but its real character will come
out when every class will demand representation in proportion to its numbers. Be that as it may,
functional representation is not the most significant feature of the Hyderabad scheme of Reforms.
The most significant feature of the scheme is the proposed division of seats between Hindus and
Musalmansn in the new Hyderabad Legislature. Under the scheme as approved by H. E. H. the
Nizam, communal representation is not al together banished. It is retained along with functional
representation. It is to operate through joint electorates. But there is to be equal representation for
"the two majority communities" on every 36[f.36] elective body including the legislature and no
candidate can succeed unless, he secures 40 percent, of the votes polled by-members of his
community. This principle of equal representation to Hindus and Muslims irrespective of their
numbers 37[f.37] is not only to apply to every elective body but it is to apply to both elected as
well as nominated members of the body.
In justification of this theory of equal representation it is stated that:
" The importance of the Muslim community in the state, by virtue of its historical position and its
status in the body politic, is so obvious that it cannot be reduced to the status of a minority in the
Assembly."
Quite recently there have appeared in the press 38[f.38] the proposals formulated by one Mr. Mir
Akbar Ali Khan calling himself the leader of the Nationalist Party as a means of settling the
Hindu-Muslim problem in British India. They are as follows :â
(1) The future Constitution of India must rest upon the broad foundation of adequate military
defence of the country and upon making the people reasonable military minded. The Hindus must
have the same military mindedness as the Muslims.
(2) The present moment offers a supreme opportunity for the two communities to ask for the
defence of India bang made over to them. The Indian Army must consist of an equal number of
Hindus and Muslims and no regiment should be cm a communal, as distinguished from regional
basis.
(3) The Governments in the Provinces and at the Centre should be wholly National Governments
composed of men who are reasonable military minded. Hindu and Muslim Ministers should be
equal in number in the Central as well as all Provincial cabinets; other important minorities might
wherever necessary be given special representation. This scheme will function most satisfactorily
with joint electorates, but in the present temper of the country separate electorates might be
continued. The Hindu Ministers must be elected by the Hindu members of the legislature and the
Muslim Ministers by the Muslim members.
(4) The Cabinet is to be removable only on an express vote of no-confidence, against the Cabinet
as a whole, passed by a majority of 2/3rd of the whole house which majority must be of Hindus and
Muslims taken separately.
(5) The religion, language, script and personal law of each community should be safeguarded by a
paramount constitutional check enabling the majority of members, representing that community in
the legislature to place a veto on any legislative or other measure affecting it. A similar veto must
be provided against any measure designed or calculated to affect adversely the economic
well-being of any community.
(6) An adequate communal representation in the services must be agreed to as a practical measure
of justice in administration and in the distribution patronage.
If the proposals put forth by a Muslim leader of the Nationalist Party in Hyderabad State is an
indication of the direction in which the mind of the Muslims in British India is running, then, the
guess I have made as to what is likely to be the alternative to Pakistan derives additional support.
MUSLIM ALTERNATIVE TO PAKISTAN
I
The Hindus say they have an alternative to Pakistan. Have the Muslims also an alternative to
Pakistan? The Hindus say yes, the Muslims say no. The Hindus believe that the Muslim proposal
for Pakistan is only a bargaining manoeuvre put forth with the object of making additions to the
communal gains already secured under the Communal Award. The Muslims repudiate the
suggestion. They say there is no equivalent to Pakistan and, therefore, they will have Pakistan and
nothing but Pakistan. It does seem that the Musalmans are devoted-to Pakistan and are determined
to have nothing else and that the Hindus in hoping for an alternative are merely indulging in
wishful thinking. But assuming that the Hindus are shrewd enough in divining what the Muslim
game is, will the Hindus be ready to welcome the Muslim alternative to Pakistan? The answer to
the question must, of course, depend upon what the Muslim alternative is.
What is the Muslim alternative to Pakistan? No one knows. The Muslims, if they have any, have
not disclosed it and perhaps will not disclose it till the day when the rival parties meet to revise and
settle the terms on which the Hindus and the Muslims are to associate with each other in the future.
To be forewarned is to be forearmed. It is, therefore, necessary for the Hindus to have some idea of
the possible Muslim alternative to enable them to meet the shock of it; for the alternative cannot be
better than the Communal Award and is sure to be many degrees worse.
In the absence of the exact alternative proposal one can only make a guess. Now one man's guess is
as good as that of another, and the party concerned has to choose on which of these he will rely.
Among the likely guesses, my guess is that the Muslims will put forth as their alternative some
such proposal as the following :â
"That the future constitution of India shall provide:
(i) That the Muslims shall have 50% representation in the Legislature, Central as well as Provincial,
through separate electorates.
(ii) That 50% of the Executive in the Centre as well as in the Provinces shall consist of Muslims.
(iii) That in the Civil Service 50% of the posts shall be assigned for the Muslims.
(iv) That in the Fighting Forces the Muslim proportion shall be one half, both in the ranks and in
the higher grades.
(v) That Muslims shall have 50% representation in all public bodies, such as councils and
commissions, created for public purposes.
(vi) That Muslims shall have 50% representation in all international organizations in which India
will participate.
(vii) That if the Prime Minister be a Hindu, the Deputy Prime Minister shall be a Muslim.
(viii) That if the Commander-in-Chief be a Hindu, the Deputy Commander-in-Chief shall be a
Muslim.
(ix) That no changes in the Provincial boundaries shall be made except with the consent of 66% of
the Muslim members of the Legislature.
(x) That no action or treaty against a Muslim country shall be valid unless the consent of 66% of
the Muslim members of the Legislature is obtained.
(xi) That no law affecting the culture or religion or religious usage of Muslims shall be made
except with the consent of 66% of the Muslim members of the Legislature.
(xii) That the national language for India shall be Urdu. (xiii) That no law prohibiting or restricting
the slaughter of cows or the propagation of and conversion to Islam shall be valid unless it is passed
with the consent of 66% of the Muslim members of the Legislature.
(viv) That no change in the constitution shall be valid unless the majority required for effecting
such changes also includes a 66% majority of the Muslim members of the Legislature.
This guess of mine is not the result of imagination let loose. It is not the result of a desire to
frighten the Hindus into an unwilling and hasty acceptance of Pakistan, If I may say so, it is really
an intelligent anticipation based upon available data coming from Muslim quarters.
An indication of what the Muslim alternative is likely to be, is obtainable from the nature of the
Constitutional Reforms which are contemplated for the Dominions of His Exalted Highness the
Nizam of Hyderabad.
The Hyderabad scheme of Reforms is a novel scheme. It rejects the scheme of communal
representation obtaining in British India. In its place is substituted what is called Functional
Representation, i.e. representation by classes and by professions. The composition of the
Legislature which is to consist of 70 members is to be as follows :â
Elected Nominated
Agricluture 12 Illakas 8
Patidars 8 Sarf-i-Khas 2
Tenants 4 Paigahs 3
Women 1
Graduates 1 Peshkari 1
University 1
Jagirdars 2 Salar Jung 1
Maashdars 1
Legal 2 Samasthans 1
Medical 2
Western 1 Officials 18
Rural Arts and Crafts 1
Oriental 1 Backward Classes 1
Teaching 1 Minor Unrepresented 3
Commerce 1 Classes.
Industries 2 Others 6
Banking 2
Indigenous 1 1
Co-operative and
Joint Stock 1 1
Organized Labour 1
Harijan 1
District Municipalities 1
City Municipality 1
Rural Boards 1
Total 33 Total . 37
Whether the scheme of functional representation will promote better harmony between the various
classes and sections than communal representation does is more than doubtful. In addition to
perpetuating existing social and religious divisions, it may quite easily intensify class struggle by
emphasizing class consciousness. The scheme appears innocuous but its real character will come
out when every class will demand representation in proportion to its numbers. Be that as it may,
functional representation is not the most significant feature of the Hyderabad scheme of Reforms.
The most significant feature of the scheme is the proposed division of seats between Hindus and
Musalmansn in the new Hyderabad Legislature. Under the scheme as approved by H. E. H. the
Nizam, communal representation is not al together banished. It is retained along with functional
representation. It is to operate through joint electorates. But there is to be equal representation for
"the two majority communities" on every 36[f.36] elective body including the legislature and no
candidate can succeed unless, he secures 40 percent, of the votes polled by-members of his
community. This principle of equal representation to Hindus and Muslims irrespective of their
numbers 37[f.37] is not only to apply to every elective body but it is to apply to both elected as
well as nominated members of the body.
In justification of this theory of equal representation it is stated that:
" The importance of the Muslim community in the state, by virtue of its historical position and its
status in the body politic, is so obvious that it cannot be reduced to the status of a minority in the
Assembly."
Quite recently there have appeared in the press 38[f.38] the proposals formulated by one Mr. Mir
Akbar Ali Khan calling himself the leader of the Nationalist Party as a means of settling the
Hindu-Muslim problem in British India. They are as follows :â
(1) The future Constitution of India must rest upon the broad foundation of adequate military
defence of the country and upon making the people reasonable military minded. The Hindus must
have the same military mindedness as the Muslims.
(2) The present moment offers a supreme opportunity for the two communities to ask for the
defence of India bang made over to them. The Indian Army must consist of an equal number of
Hindus and Muslims and no regiment should be cm a communal, as distinguished from regional
basis.
(3) The Governments in the Provinces and at the Centre should be wholly National Governments
composed of men who are reasonable military minded. Hindu and Muslim Ministers should be
equal in number in the Central as well as all Provincial cabinets; other important minorities might
wherever necessary be given special representation. This scheme will function most satisfactorily
with joint electorates, but in the present temper of the country separate electorates might be
continued. The Hindu Ministers must be elected by the Hindu members of the legislature and the
Muslim Ministers by the Muslim members.
(4) The Cabinet is to be removable only on an express vote of no-confidence, against the Cabinet
as a whole, passed by a majority of 2/3rd of the whole house which majority must be of Hindus and
Muslims taken separately.
(5) The religion, language, script and personal law of each community should be safeguarded by a
paramount constitutional check enabling the majority of members, representing that community in
the legislature to place a veto on any legislative or other measure affecting it. A similar veto must
be provided against any measure designed or calculated to affect adversely the economic
well-being of any community.
(6) An adequate communal representation in the services must be agreed to as a practical measure
of justice in administration and in the distribution patronage.
If the proposals put forth by a Muslim leader of the Nationalist Party in Hyderabad State is an
indication of the direction in which the mind of the Muslims in British India is running, then, the
guess I have made as to what is likely to be the alternative to Pakistan derives additional support.