04-10-2004, 11:28 AM
Admitting that Pakistan is not capable of providing a complete solution of the Communal Problem within
Hindustan, does it follow that the Hindus on that account should reject Pakistan ? Before the Hindus draw any such
hasty conclusion, they should consider the following effects of Pakistan.
First, consider the effect of Pakistan on the magnitude of the communal Problem. That can be best gauged by
reference to the Muslim population as it will be grouped within Pakistan and Hindustan.
Muslim Population in Pakistan. Muslim Population in India
1. Punjab 13.332,460 1. Total Muslim Population in
British India (Excluding Burma and
Aden).
66,442,766
2. N.W.F.P. 2,227,303
3. Sind 2,830,800
4. Baluchistan 405,309 2. Muslim Population grouped in
Pakistan and Eastern Bengal State.
47,897,301
5. Eastern Bengal 27,497,624
Muslim States 3. Balance of Muslims in British
Hindustan
18,545,465
(i) Eastern Bengal 27,497,624
(ii) Sylhet 1,603,805
Total 47,897,301
What do these figures indicate ? What they indicate is that the Muslims who will be left in British Hindustan will be
only 18,545,465 and the rest 47,897,301, forming a vast majority of the total Muslim population, will be out of it
and will be the subjects of Pakistan States. This distribution of the Muslim population, in terms of the communal
problem, means that while without Pakistan the communal problem in India involves 6 1/2 crores of Muslims, with
the creation of Pakistan it will involve only 2 crores of Muslims. Is this to be no consideration for Hindus who want
communal peace ? To me, it seems that if Pakistan does not solve the communal problem within Hindustan, it
substantially reduces its proportion and makes it of minor significance and much easier of peaceful solution.
In the second place, let the Hindus consider the effect of Pakistan on the communal representation in the Central
Legislature. The following table gives the distribution of seats in the Central Legislature, as prescribed under the
Government of India Act, 1935 and as it would be, if Pakistan came into being.
Name of the
Chamber
Distribution of seats. Distribution of seats.
IâAs at present. II.âAfter Pakistan.
Non- Non-
Total
seats.
Muslim
(Hindu)
Territorial
Scats.
Muslim
Territorial
Seats.
Total
seals.
Muslim (Hindu)
Territorial Seats.
Muslim Territorial
Seats.
Council of State. 150 75 49 126 75 25
Federal Assembly. 250 105 82 211 105 43
To bring out clearly the quantitative change in the communal distribution of seats, which must follow the
establishment of Pakistan, the above figures are reduced to percentage in the table that follows:â
Name of the
Chamber.
Distribution of seats. Distribution of seats.
1.âAs at present. II.âAfter Pakistan
Percentage of
Muslim seats to
Hindu seals.
Percentage of
Muslim scats to total
seats.
Percentage of Muslim
seats to Hindu seats.
Percentage of Muslim
seats to total seals.
Council of State
Federal Assembly
33
33
66
80
25
21
33 1/3,
40
From this table one can see what vast changes must follow the establishment of Pakistan. Under the Government of
India Act, the ratio of Muslim seats to the total is 33% in both the Chambers, but to the Hindu seats, the ratio is
66% in the Council of State and 80% in the Assemblyâalmost a position of equality with the Hindus. After
Pakistan, the ratio of Muslim seats to the total seats falls from 33 1/3 % to 25% in the Council and to 21% in the
Assembly, while the ratio to Hindu seats falls from 66% to 33 1/3 % in the Council and from 80% to 40% in the
Assembly. The figures assume that the weightage given to the Muslims will remain the same, even after Hindustan
is separated from Pakistan. If the present weightage to Muslims is cancelled or reduced, there would be further
improvement in the representation of the Hindus. But assuming that no change in weightage is made, is this a small
gain to the Hindus in the matter of representation at the Centre ? To me, it appears that it is a great improvement in
the position of the Hindus at the Centre, which would never come to them, if they oppose Pakistan.
These are the material advantages of Pakistan. There is another which is psychological. The Muslims, in Southern
and Central India, draw their inspiration from the Muslims of the North and the East. If after Pakistan there is
communal peace in the North and the East, as there should be, there being no majorities and minorities therein, the
Hindus may reasonably expect communal peace in Hindustan. This severance of the bond between the Muslims of
the North and the East and the Muslims of Hindustan is another gain to the Hindus of Hindustan.
Taking into consideration these effects of Pakistan, it cannot be disputed that if Pakistan does not wholly solve the
communal problem within Hindustan, it frees the Hindus from the turbulence of the Muslims as predominant
partners. It is for the Hindus to say whether they will reject such a proposal, simply because it does not offer a
complete solution. Some gain is better than much harm.
Hindustan, does it follow that the Hindus on that account should reject Pakistan ? Before the Hindus draw any such
hasty conclusion, they should consider the following effects of Pakistan.
First, consider the effect of Pakistan on the magnitude of the communal Problem. That can be best gauged by
reference to the Muslim population as it will be grouped within Pakistan and Hindustan.
Muslim Population in Pakistan. Muslim Population in India
1. Punjab 13.332,460 1. Total Muslim Population in
British India (Excluding Burma and
Aden).
66,442,766
2. N.W.F.P. 2,227,303
3. Sind 2,830,800
4. Baluchistan 405,309 2. Muslim Population grouped in
Pakistan and Eastern Bengal State.
47,897,301
5. Eastern Bengal 27,497,624
Muslim States 3. Balance of Muslims in British
Hindustan
18,545,465
(i) Eastern Bengal 27,497,624
(ii) Sylhet 1,603,805
Total 47,897,301
What do these figures indicate ? What they indicate is that the Muslims who will be left in British Hindustan will be
only 18,545,465 and the rest 47,897,301, forming a vast majority of the total Muslim population, will be out of it
and will be the subjects of Pakistan States. This distribution of the Muslim population, in terms of the communal
problem, means that while without Pakistan the communal problem in India involves 6 1/2 crores of Muslims, with
the creation of Pakistan it will involve only 2 crores of Muslims. Is this to be no consideration for Hindus who want
communal peace ? To me, it seems that if Pakistan does not solve the communal problem within Hindustan, it
substantially reduces its proportion and makes it of minor significance and much easier of peaceful solution.
In the second place, let the Hindus consider the effect of Pakistan on the communal representation in the Central
Legislature. The following table gives the distribution of seats in the Central Legislature, as prescribed under the
Government of India Act, 1935 and as it would be, if Pakistan came into being.
Name of the
Chamber
Distribution of seats. Distribution of seats.
IâAs at present. II.âAfter Pakistan.
Non- Non-
Total
seats.
Muslim
(Hindu)
Territorial
Scats.
Muslim
Territorial
Seats.
Total
seals.
Muslim (Hindu)
Territorial Seats.
Muslim Territorial
Seats.
Council of State. 150 75 49 126 75 25
Federal Assembly. 250 105 82 211 105 43
To bring out clearly the quantitative change in the communal distribution of seats, which must follow the
establishment of Pakistan, the above figures are reduced to percentage in the table that follows:â
Name of the
Chamber.
Distribution of seats. Distribution of seats.
1.âAs at present. II.âAfter Pakistan
Percentage of
Muslim seats to
Hindu seals.
Percentage of
Muslim scats to total
seats.
Percentage of Muslim
seats to Hindu seats.
Percentage of Muslim
seats to total seals.
Council of State
Federal Assembly
33
33
66
80
25
21
33 1/3,
40
From this table one can see what vast changes must follow the establishment of Pakistan. Under the Government of
India Act, the ratio of Muslim seats to the total is 33% in both the Chambers, but to the Hindu seats, the ratio is
66% in the Council of State and 80% in the Assemblyâalmost a position of equality with the Hindus. After
Pakistan, the ratio of Muslim seats to the total seats falls from 33 1/3 % to 25% in the Council and to 21% in the
Assembly, while the ratio to Hindu seats falls from 66% to 33 1/3 % in the Council and from 80% to 40% in the
Assembly. The figures assume that the weightage given to the Muslims will remain the same, even after Hindustan
is separated from Pakistan. If the present weightage to Muslims is cancelled or reduced, there would be further
improvement in the representation of the Hindus. But assuming that no change in weightage is made, is this a small
gain to the Hindus in the matter of representation at the Centre ? To me, it appears that it is a great improvement in
the position of the Hindus at the Centre, which would never come to them, if they oppose Pakistan.
These are the material advantages of Pakistan. There is another which is psychological. The Muslims, in Southern
and Central India, draw their inspiration from the Muslims of the North and the East. If after Pakistan there is
communal peace in the North and the East, as there should be, there being no majorities and minorities therein, the
Hindus may reasonably expect communal peace in Hindustan. This severance of the bond between the Muslims of
the North and the East and the Muslims of Hindustan is another gain to the Hindus of Hindustan.
Taking into consideration these effects of Pakistan, it cannot be disputed that if Pakistan does not wholly solve the
communal problem within Hindustan, it frees the Hindus from the turbulence of the Muslims as predominant
partners. It is for the Hindus to say whether they will reject such a proposal, simply because it does not offer a
complete solution. Some gain is better than much harm.