Still untouchable: the politics of religious conversion.
by Vatsala Vedantam

IN THEIR LONG struggle for equality, India's dalits, or "untouchables," have often exchanged their Hinduism for Islam, Christianity, Sikhism or Buddhism, believing that they will better their lives by doing so. They have been persuaded that Hinduism, with its varna ashramas (caste distinctions), has been solely responsible for all their ills. But when they switch to other religious faiths and experience the same distinctions--albeit in different forms--they realize that such a change neither improves their social status nor remedies their economic problems of unemployment and poverty--the real source of their social discrimination.

A letter written by M. Mary John, president of the Dalit Christian Liberation Movement, to Pope John Paul II during his 1999 visit to India speaks volumes about the treatment meted out to dalit Christians within the churches of India. The dalits are oppressed and persecuted by "the hierarchy, the congregation, the authorities and the institutions of the Catholic Church." Despite the condemnation of such practices by the Catholic Bishops Conference of India, casteism still persists among Christian communities. A state commission on dalits has pointed out that they are "twice discriminated against"--in society and within the church. At the time of conversion, they are assured that they are being inducted into a religious fold that is egalitarian and free from the twin curses of caste and untouchability. But the reality is altogether different.

Sikh places of worship have separate quarters for dalit Sikhs. High-caste Muslims do not marry dalit Muslims. Dalit Christians can hardly hope to reach any high position within the church. (They are not even allowed to occupy the pews meant for higher-caste Christians.) And Buddhist monasteries have not been able to prevent their converts from continuing their earlier casteist practices.

At the same time, in breaking away from Hinduism, dalits lose out on the basic safeguards provided to them in the Indian Constitution. In 1981, thousands of dalits in southern India converted to Islam to escape social victimization--only to find that they had forfeited whatever state privileges they enjoyed earlier as Scheduled Caste Hindus. Converted dalits are now fighting for these privileges, having perceived the age-old caste system still dogging their footsteps.

The very fact that they still have to label themselves as "dalits" even after conversion in order to seek special privileges exposes the futility of that exercise. Today, India's dalits are 82 per cent Hindu, 12 per cent Muslims and less than 3 per cent Christian.

A mass conversions of dalits to Buddhism in recent months in India poses the question once again whether religious conversion alone can improve the social and economic status of people who have been marginalized for centuries. Some 50,000 dalits assembled in New Delhi in November to embrace Buddhism. In January another 25,000 followed suit in the southern state of Kerala. Such conversions expose the hypocrisy of the religious and political leaders who exploit the socially and economically backward groups for their own ends.

In the November mass conversion, participants from both northern and southern states converged on India's capital city. They were led by Ram Raj, an official working for the Indian Revenue Service, who also heads the All India Confederation of Scheduled Caste/Schedule Tribes Organizations. Giving himself a new name and identity after his own conversion, he used the occasion to lash out at the Bharatiya Janata Party-led Government at the Center, claiming that it had denied opportunities to the dalits.

Subsequently, the converts recited the 22 vows taken by Baba Saheb Ambedkar, founder of the dalit movement in India, who in a similar exercise in 1956 had embraced Buddhism, along with half a million other dalits, "to escape the tyrannies" of Hindu society. Senior monk Buddha Priya initiated the new converts into the Buddhist fold. Surprisingly, well-known Christian activists also participated in the conversion ceremony to provide "moral support" to the dalit movement. Although no Christian literature was circulated, a Syrian Christian bishop who had traveled all the way to New Delhi sat through the ceremony, offering to convert to Christianity anyone who desired it.

DALITS SEEM to prefer Buddhism to other religions unless they are enticed with gifts or other allurements. The reason is that Ambedkar, who was also one of the main architects of the Indian Constitution, stated that of all religions only Buddhism advocates equality of all human beings as a fundamental principle. Declaring that Lord Buddha alone raised his voice against separatism, and that the religion he taught is the only one which does not recognize caste, the dalit leader exhorted his followers to convert to Buddhism--"which is a religion of this country"--rather than Christianity, which enticed the poor and the oppressed "by giving them porridge free of cost."

It has also been argued that Buddhists are accepted more easily in Indian society than other minority groups. Since Buddhism, like Jainism or Sikhism, is an Indic religion, it is not considered alien. Christianity and Islam are both perceived by Hindus even today as the religions of the conquerors and invaders.

"Dalit" literally means depressed. Mahatma Gandhi named these hapless citizens Harijans, meaning "the children of God." In the ancient and much abused system called varna ashrama, citizens were originally divided into castes based upon the professions they followed. Even during the days of British rule, manual workers in India's villages were placed in the lowest hierarchy of the caste system. It was only after independence in 1947 that the government instituted a policy of affirmative action, through its Constitution, to reduce these inequalities.
By reserving 23 percent of all central and state government jobs for Scheduled Castes and Tribes, with comparable reservations for school and university admissions across the country, India paved the way for improving dalits' professional and educational opportunities. They also have seats in legislatures, state assemblies and Parliament so as to allow them greater participation in the country's governance. Conversion, unfortunately, only deprives the dalits of these special privileges, which are intended only for Hindu Scheduled Castes and Tribes.

The answer, then, is not in religious conversion so much as in streamlining the system of reservations itself. While this system has gone a long way to better the economic status of India's 82 million Scheduled Castes and Tribes, it has lost its direction because it is not envisioned as a time-bound program. The earlier beneficiaries and their progeny continue to enjoy its privileges even after half a century. These privileges are now passed on to the second and sometimes to the third generation. Families who have reaped the full benefits of the Indian government's reservation policies have already advanced in both social and economic terms. And they continue to corner desirable jobs and university or school admissions through the reserved quotas.

Result: the poorest sections of the same reserved categories are denied their due. It is not uncommon, especially in rural India, to find poor and illiterate Scheduled Caste workers serving as the bonded laborers of their rich and influential kinsmen.
An insidious caste system has thus crept into dalit circles as well. Privileged members of the community do not marry those doing menial jobs, since they consider them inferior.

A few years ago, the Indian government reduced the opportunities of dalits further by extending reservations to other backward castes. And lately the government in New Delhi has extended reservations in promotions to those who have already benefited by its policies. Consequently, almost every caste is seeking the "backward" tag to claim a piece of the pie.

No wonder this poorest and most backward segment of India's population is constantly exploited: by politicians for their votes; by religious leaders for their numbers; by their self-styled advocates for power. Despite much touted policies of compulsory primary education, there are no proper school facilities for dalit children. Family planning and other health-care programs rarely reach dalit women. Illiterate, impoverished and vulnerable, the Scheduled Castes cannot even reach the jobs that are earmarked for them because they are not qualified.

These crucial issues are completely ignored by their champions, who prefer to harp on caste discrimination and religious conversion rather than take the real measures that might improve dalits' lives.

Vatsala Vedantam is a former associate editor of the Deccan Herald in Bangalore, India.

This is not the right thread for this post, as it not politics but a Hindu issue. So please move it as you see fit.

Can we adopt the entire 180 million dalits as our own children, brothers and sisters?

i didn't know that it was so much...this is serious...and i am also concerned about the hindu population in India...is it true that the muslim population grows faster then the hindu population in India?

Can we adopt the entire 180 million dalits as our own children, brothers and sisters?

[*] In 1930 there was a Partition of Hindus and Dalits
[*] we kill 3 dalits for every Paki killed!
[*] We just dont know reconciliation - it is not taught in our scriptures
[*] there is no room for coexistence between these two groups

2. I posted some months ago statistics on Crimes Against Dalits (which was trashed), where it showed that there were a quarter million such crimes in a 10 year period; of which about 12% resulted in murders. In a single year there were 8,000 such murders, while in the 1971 war we lost about 7,000 men and the Pakis somewhat more. We have no wars against Pakis now, yet each year dalits are being murdered. This is an unspoken ongoing war against dalits.

1. It is clear from the article that it was not just Ambedkar that was turned away from the temple; rather Hindus reiterated positively in this modern age that dalits are not part of the Hindu religion, and are not wanted. It was a turning away and a slap in the face to a whole community. I think we can imagine how they would have felt. This was a modern day partition of the Hindus and dalits. And no Hindu leader; Gandhi, Nehru, Sawarkar, etc., stood up against this abomination.

R: I dont think your points in #3 and #4 deserves any rebuttal. I will just give you one example -> hindus and sikhs and be done with it.

KR: Reconciliation based on scriptures is for religions based on "books", and one wonders why it is not in hinduism? 
GS is right. "Reconciliation and lack of it in our scriptures" is really a christian/islamic way of looking at the world.

Rajesh, you are wrong as K.Ram and GS says. Please rebut. (Sikhism. Is not in our shastras)

K. Ram, I am surprised, sad and flabbergasted to know that my view was correct. I really wanted to be wrong. How did the genious of Hinduism fail in so important an issue other than offering institutionalised caste coexistence?

Call to the emancipated Dalit

Bharat Jhunjhunwala

Rishis like Vivekananda and Aurobindo have asserted that the chief cause of India's decline was the corruption of the Brahmin-priest. The Manu Smriti enjoins the Brahmin not to serve another; stay away from honour bestowed by the government; and to embrace voluntary poverty. Decadent priests hid this correct definition of the Brahmin from the public and declared them as Brahmins on the basis of their birth or profession.

As a result, true Brahmin-Rishis like Namdev and Kabir were sidelined; and corrupt priests captured the centerstage. They looked down upon the other three Varna and treated the Dalits like animals. Intimidated by this cruel behaviour, Dalits supported the Muslim and English invaders. The corrupt priests have not reformed themselves despite such a hard lesson. Even today Dalits are seated separately in marriage functions and asked to wash their teacups. Dalits are rightly angry at this cruelty.

The problem, however, is that a similar Brahminism is prevalent among the Dalit. Chamars consider themselves higher and look down upon lower castes just as the evil Brahmins look down upon the Dalit. They cleverly produce certificates regarding their caste when applying for jobs but try to hide their caste in social gatherings. The doctor claiming to cure caste discrimination is carrying tablets of that same poison in his hand bag.

This problem is not unique to the Dalit movement. It is universal. The Christians launched Crusades to conquer other lands in the name of religion. The Pope took reins of power into his own hands and the message of love spread by Lord Jesus Christ was forgotten. US President George Bush claims to be a faithful Christian but has no compunction in attacking other lands to get their oil. There are separate groups among Tibetan - neo and traditional Buddhists - that are just like the Varna system. Gandhi had asked constructive workers to earn and live among the people and guide them to put the right persons in power. But they are living off the crumbs thrown by the Government whom they seek to control. The Marxists aimed to organise the poorest workers. But modern day Marxists are happy to pamper a labour aristocracy and pass on this burden on the poorest. The problem of cruel hierarchy is all pervasive. Everywhere the powerful use their power for their narrow selfish ends irrespective of their professed ideology.

The fundamental problem is how to control the politicians in the interests of the people? He who has the desire of power becomes a politician. His objective is to acquire power. He becomes a revolutionary, trade unionist, Dalit activist or social worker because it helps fulfill this desire of power. There are thousands of ways in which one can serve the people-sweep the road, teach in the schools, give sermons, teach yoga, etc. He chooses "organisational" activities like that of Trade Unionism because it fulfills his desire of power. This common tendency can be seen among the Hindu, Dalit, Christian, Buddhist, Marxist and Gandhian politicians and social activists.

The solution proposed too is similar in all the traditions. A separation is made between the holder - and controller - of power. Let there be another group in the society that stays outside power and acts as a controller. Lenin made a distinction between the Party and the State. The Communist Party was to give directions to the State and ensure that it behaved. Stalin, however, centralised both the Party and the State in his hands. As a result the control of the Party on the State was loosened and the Soviet Republic collapsed. Gandhi had said the Constructive Worker should live among the people and guide them to install the right persons in power. The Constructive Worker's self-employment was the guarantee of his independence.

But the Gandhians started taking grants from foreign donors and governments-the same people whom they were to control. The Church was expected to control the State in the Christian tradition. This distinction was removed with the Pope becoming a political head of State. The result was the Crusades. Other examples can be given. The main point is that the desire of a politician is of power. He has neither the inclination not the intellectual apparatus to make a distinction between good and bad. There should be another agency in the society that is independent of the State. It should tell the State to behave.

This applies equally to the Hindus and Dalit. The Manu Smriti states that only the Brahmin engaged in the pursuit of self-knowledge can exercise control over the Kshatriya. But the Hindu priests corrupted this idea. The result was that Saint Namdev remained a Sudra while politician Vajpayee continued to be a Brahmin. The Dalit is affected by this very problem, however. The Dalit movement has been split in the country among Republican Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and Freedom and Justice Party because each Dalit leader wants his supremacy and there is no agency among the Dalit to force them to behave in the interests of the larger Dalit community. If the corrupt Brahmins encashed their birth as Brahmin; the Dalit leaders are encashing their birth as Dalit.

The Dalit will have to cleanse their house before attacking the Hindus, Christians and Marxists. Dr Raju Thomas of Kerala says that Dr Ambedkar had put forth the concept of "Emancipated Dalit" - he who is working for the emancipation of the whole society and who can exercise a check on the Dalit leaders. The responsibility of controlling Dalit leaders falls upon his shoulders. The Emancipated Dalit has to first set the Dalit movement in order; then the Dalit movement can attack the corrupt Hindu priests. In absence of the Emancipated Dalit, the Dalit politicians will continue to exploit the innocence of the Dalit just as the Brahmins did.

Why should the burden of this reformation be put on the Dalit when everyone is equally corrupt? The answer is that the Dalit is oppressed hence he will have to act for his salvation. Editor of Dalit Voice VT Rajshekhar says the Dalit is like a hungry dog that the Brahmin overfeeds till he vomits. Pray, why should the corrupt priests not do this? It is meaningless to ask the enemy not to attack you.

The Dalit should unambiguously define the character of "Emancipated Dalit". Based on the experience of the Christian Church, Gandhian Constructive Workers and Marxist Revolutionary a starting definition could be as follows: (1) The Emancipated Dalit should be self-employed. He should not serve another; (2) He should not be associated with any political party; (3) He should speak the truth in course of earning his livelihood; and (4) He should be in live connection with the weak, oppressed and Dalit. The whole society will be then saved.

K.Ram, you say reconciliation is a christian concept, then you say I missed the point.  But you cant give me one example of coexistence between Hindu communities. Instead lament that we cant do anything except howl, while I have already showed you that they, kanchi, are responding to our petitions - now proposing to do exactly what we petitioned them to do.

Does this constitue a silent war on dalits ?

Yes.

Its crimes on a specific group of people, for who they are, and the rights they struggle for (eg. well water, temple entry), and its ongoing. The statistics are there. Therefore its a silent war.

You are trying to wedge a split where none exists, and I am asking you this.. What do you expect to accomplish by whining about things ? Is whining your only strategy or do you have a constructive solution to closing the so-called "dalit"-divide?

Only yesterday there was another march by dalits in Madurai demonstrating against temple entry refusal. This is the year 2005! In short, Hindus hate dalits. Except for individual cases of which there are many, we are a hate-filled people.

The statistics are there.

Sunder, I actually agree with much of your comments, and I have mentioned these same things in other threads. It is not a keyhole perspective, as I am only covering the area of spiritual equality of Hindus.

The dalits can keep their status for political reasons, but on religious and spiritual matters we must reconcile with them, and admit them as full fledged Hindus, which anyway is beginning to happen.

I am certainly not trying to drive a wedge. There is already a wedge. My post was about 'reconciliation', giving the example of the atonement by the grandson of the priest who denied entry to Ambedkar. That is an example of reconcialiation that we must follow. Kanchi devotees now want to teach rudram/chamakam to all Hindus. This is reconciliation. They also want to admit dalits into their vedapadasalas. This is reconciliation on a mass scale. This is the strategy for closing the dalit divide. Now isn't this a constructive solution?

Kind regards.

Pathma

Sangh Samachar
Ashok Singhal lauds dalit, tribal heroism
Hindusthan Samachar

Shri Ashok Singhal, working president of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) has said that Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (SCs) were basically great warriors and freedom fighters who had fought against the atrocities of Mughals for a long period. He was addressing a gathering of distinguished people in Lucknow recently. He said the Mughals forced the defeated Indian warriors to adopt either Islam or else clean their excreta. “The SCs and STs are really warriors and their prestige must be restored in the society,” he said. Shri Singhal called upon the senior citizens and retired persons in the society to use their experience, knowledge and talent for serving the underprivileged people. He said the SCs and STs were mostly illiterate and deprived in the society and Christian missionaries were conspiring to convert them to Christianity in the name of education. “Those who have fulfilled their family responsibilities need to counter such onslaughts of conversion and work for spreading literacy in remote areas.”

Absolutely good news. Caste is unravelling all by itself.

Happy days are here again folks. The move towards an egalitarian
Hindu soceity is accelerating. This is exactly what I was waiting
for. Evidently my predictions are coming true, much sooner though.
Confidence tricksters, jokers and criminals give support to the caste
system using those texts, are exposed, and so are those who fall at
their feet.

A pillar of the caste system falls, and its the beginning of the end
of one sect of Hinduism, as well as the end of the popularity of the
itihasa-purana-dharmasastra that supports it all. There is 'no
spirituality', 'no truth' and 'no love' in this evil triple axis and
its traditions. These are the ultimate ramifications of caste law.

We told them sometime ago to admit dalits, non-Indians and women into
their monasteries to save themselves, and heal.

And for the healing to begin, for the benefit of Hinduism as a whole,
I have to say this dreaded thing - it was a shameless lineage, right
from the start. My sincere profuse apologies but over time you may
understand why I had to say it. For Hinduism to move forward, we have
to call a spade a spade.

Indian police wont do such a thing without credible evidence and not
while Jeya is in power.

Regards.

Pathma

Indian police wont do such a thing without credible evidence and not
while Jeya is in power.

Anyway, it is not for her to decide the arrest or not; the investigating officer makes that decision and the PP prepares the charges based on the officer's file. The police merely informs the minister of their decision, and at most she can only delay the arrest, which I think she did. These are the normal police routines all over the world.

250,000 is about 15 % of 1.77 million while dalits form about 16.6 % of Indian population ? Please post data that shows there is a "silent war against dalits" in India.

So if any community or individual is prosecuted/persecuted/discriminated against, which of this 'P' is to be held accountable - Police, Public Prosecutor, their Political bosses or the Priests? Per your arguments, it seems that low paid temple preists seem to be calling the shots on this 'slient war'.

Thank you Viren.

As you can see, you have misread me. I said the police must have some credible evidence. And I said 'not while Jeya is in power', because she is a devout bakta (no matter her political machinations), and, of all the TN politicians, she is the closest and most supportive of JS. And that she would not purposely and mindlessly do such a thing to alienate her base. Do not be misled by the TN athiest politicians, the TN people ARE religious.

Anyway, it is not for her to decide the arrest or not; the investigating officer makes that decision and the PP prepares the charges based on the officer's file. The police merely informs the minister of their decision, and at most she can only delay the arrest, which I think she did. These are the normal police routines all over the world.

I did not say that 'jeya can do no wrong'. Hope this clarifies.

Regards.

Pathma

Holding one person or group responsible for all the community's problems. Isolating or rejecting a  person or group.

Pathma,
You haven't answered....

Do some research on Arab castes, and especially Japan (Burakamin are Japanese untouchables). Japan's industrialization gives many ideas on where India will head in the future.
All the caste problems are in rural villages or in Bihar overwhemingly.
Even today in Japan there is so called caste discrimination.

For "discrimination" discussions Pathama doesn't have to look any further than the town where his groupies established NS - hint it's not in India.

Pathma,
You haven't answered....




Hi Viren,

This is incompetant questioning. But,

1. if prosecuted, the PP is responsible (but he is legally immune in any society),
2. if persecuted and discriminated, the society as a whole is responsible.

Heads must roll. Can you figure this out?

Thought you could pin it on someone else, didn't you?

2. if persecuted and discriminated, the society as a whole is responsible.

Where do you live Viren?

And what is the point of this line? We Hindus take care of our own. Thats all.

Hi Viren,

This is incompetant questioning. But,

1. if prosecuted, the PP is responsible (but he is legally immune in any society),
2. if persecuted and discriminated, the society as a whole is responsible.

Heads must roll. Can you figure this out?

Thought you could pin it on someone else, didn't you?





Did all that Agnivayu,

Little parallels between dalits and burakumin. Indians take the cake in discrimination. Japan's industrialisation DOES NOT give an indication where India is headed. India is unique, and I feel brahmins as well as recalcitrant OBCs' are going to to be discriminated against in a globalised India, and most will be compelled to leave the country, the next batch of NRIs' shall we say.

Dalits will be a major purchasing power base, comprising 25% of the population by 2050 in the largest world economy and the neo-decision makers, having a decisive say in world stock markets', capital and bonds' issues and Indian defence contracts. Think about it - dalit economy then, 270 million strong with per capita income of $18,000 will be larger than Japan, Taiwan and Hong Kong put together today, or larger than the US west of the Rockies. Worrying isn't it?

There is no place for Medieval Hinduism and Third World Hindu society in a First World India. That and medieval Islam is on the way out. It will simply be scotched and tossed in the trash can.

I'm sure you heard this here first.

Caste is not only in Bihar. Its everywhere, even among dalits. Discrimination has now translated into female infanticide in Haryana, Salem.... and all over. Its migrated to the US, Britain, and elswhere. Its mutating into 'religious exclusivism' in a new form in the Bochasanwasi, Iskcon, and many others. Its there in Malibu and Vallejo I tell you. This is one big bad mf virus.




Where do you live Viren? And what is the point of this line? We Hindus take care of our own. Thats all.

Pathma

http://news.national...touchables.html

Every hour two Dalits are assaulted; every day three Dalit women are raped, two Dalits are murdered, and two Dalit homes are torched.

Despite the fact that untouchability was officially banned when India adopted its constitution in 1950, discrimination against Dalits remained so pervasive that in 1989 the government passed legislation known as The Prevention of Atrocities Act. The act specifically made it illegal to parade people naked through the streets, force them to eat feces, take away their land, foul their water, interfere with their right to vote, and burn down their homes.

http://www.wider.unu...Thorat-0206.pdf

The data from this link is also from NCRB the same place that I gave you the data from. It says "Table 1 All India-Crimes against Dalits-1992 to 2000" (page 14). I have given you the link for total crimes in India which is 1.77 million. 250,000 is about 15 % of 1.77 million while dalits form about 16.6 % of Indian population ?

"The data (that you posted) shows that the number of crimes against dalits are BELOW the percentage of population of dalits."

Well, the question of your Indian origin was brought up couple days ago in another thread available on this open forum - feel free to search for it,

I knew some Indian Christians who used to complain about discrimination from Hindus, until they got their a$$ whooped in the deep south in America by fellow Christians (rednecks)

Indian Muslims who have gone to Saudi Arabia suddenly love the racist Hindu after experiencing fellow muslim tolerance (Arabs consider all south asians as darker skinned inferiors) .

There again - racists aren't they! I cannot keep track of all threads. Feel free to malign me when I'm not around. Anyone who wants to engage me can drop a note.

Rajesh and Viren, both of you appear to be trying to safe your sorry fasses in this forum by attempting to malign me. Don't. The Approver has given testimony. I checked; the judge has no 'wiggle room' to fudge. The case is lost. You'll were wrong. Faces are ditched in the mud. So dont bother anymore

No such hate crimes against any other ethnic, caste, religious or race group in India; not parsis, brahmins, sikhs, jains, buddhists, madrasis in Mumbai, banglas in Kolkota, etc.

Which part of these statistics do you have trouble understanding?

There were 28,000 in 2,000, and nearly 40,000 in 2001 provided in the other links

The year 2003 has witnessed a substantial decrease of 21.6 per cent in crime against Scheduled Caste as 33,507 cases reported in 2002 have declined to 26,252 cases in 2003. This decline was observed in all heads under which data of crime against Scheduled Castes were collected. Two main heads namely, Protection of Civil Rights Act and SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities ) Act have reported considerable decreases of 37.7 per cent and 25.3 per cent respectively in 2003. Of the total cases (26,252) reported in the country, Madhya Pradesh alone has accounted for about one fifth (5,507) of the total cases followed by Rajathan 16.5 per cent and Andhra Pradesh (13.6 per cent).

There are no statistics for dalit crimes against dalits. But that is not the issue; there should be none. Perhaps you are insinuating that its a dalit problem and nothing to do with Indians or Hindus? Hmm?

A google search shows tremendous embaressing info.

Not sure about Rajesh, but feel free to abuse me on your forum too - I have absolutely no problems.

There are people who talk, and others who walk the talk.

Recent NS happenings:

"We have a real village, real people--two castes live in the area. We have been asked to fund renovation of a temple in the 'paria' hamlet. I put the condition that the we'll help only if the temple is open to all--that fishermen caste are invited to the temple opening and have some people from the city attend it too. Also since is being done by a religious orgnaization--I wanted them to do an upanayanam ceremony for a few boys and girls in the village. They readily agreed!"

Viren, I dont criticise another in his absence. I do it upfront, in the face. Ask Rajesh. Rajesh and you flatter yourselves thinking that you are worthy of discussion or insults outside this forum. No, I'll do it right here, in this forum, as you invite me with your condescending responses.

Do you have dalit or seer issues to raise that I can respond to meaningfully?

No such hate crimes against any other ethnic, caste, religious or race group in India; not parsis, brahmins, sikhs, jains, buddhists, madrasis in Mumbai, banglas in Kolkota, etc. This is a silent war against a specific 'ethnic group'. The 'sustained occurences' over decades and 'the volume' makes it a non-state sponsored genocide.

This is what is implied in the preamble and thru'out the report.

I dont criticise another in his absence.

The caste movement is no longer about reconciliation or improvments in the social or economic  plight  of the Dalits,.... Rather, there is big money and political power at stake for those NGOs and community leaders who claim to be working for the upliftment of these masses. 

I dont criticise another inhis absence.

There are no dalit or seer issues to respond at this moment, so lets call it a day Viren. What do you say?

There are people who talk, and others who walk the talk.

Recent NS happenings:

"We have a real village, real people--two castes live in the area. We have been asked to fund renovation of a temple in the 'paria' hamlet. I put the condition that the we'll help only if the temple is open to all--that fishermen caste are invited to the temple opening and have some people from the city attend it too. Also since is being done by a religious orgnaization--I wanted them to do an upanayanam ceremony for a few boys and girls in the village. They readily agreed!"

Posted by: Mudy Nov 26 2004, 07:39 PM
Shri Shanmugam, a member of the Dalit Community belonging to Ayyampalayam of Palladam Taluk is an ardent worker of the Hindu Munnani.He had committed suicide this morning. In a note left, he had stated that he is laying his life for the noble cause of Kanchi Seer's immediate release. He also stated that he has none else to save his community from forcible conversion to other religious sects

DEEP CONDOLENCE
media center coimbatore. 22 Nov. 2004 

Very clear and very upfront Rakesh, dont you think?

Pathmarajah,
How Dalits are treated in your native country Sri Lanka? Please shed some light.

You have conveninently ignored posts by others on hundreds of dalit/tribal conversions. You pooh-pooed the fact that over 500 women in past 30 years are being trained as priests. Why is it that it's so difficult for you to accept the fact that there are others out there who are doing more and have done more than you possibly can?

To have a true appreciation for what you claim, feel free to share: name of the place, pictures if possible, the number of people who will benefit from this temple, the obstacles you all faced, how you overcame or plan to overcome those obstacles etc. Also how strong is their belief about or this upanayanam a token head bath a la Baptism? See if you can answer these questions as I'd really like to know.

Shri Shanmugam, a member of the Dalit Community belonging to Ayyampalayam of Palladam Taluk is an ardent worker of the Hindu Munnani.He had committed suicide this morning. In a note left, he had stated that he is laying his life for the noble cause of Kanchi Seer's immediate release. He also stated that he has none else to save his community from forcible conversion to other religious sects

As for your 'implied' meanings and 'dreams', you are trying to extract 'implied' meanings from secondary sources (ones that ask you not to quote ). What more can I say ?

The requirement still stands. Prove your 'genocide' theory. Prove that those crimes are indeed hate crimes, prove that besides the crimes listed under this category there are other murders perpetrated on dalits which are NOT included in this category non-racist-dalit-murders that is. Post comparable statistics for other ethnicities and that will prove your theory. Without that nothing is proven, and yes you are right "there are no dalit issues (genocide) to be dealt with".

What was NavyaShastra founded for ? To come up with "new shastras". I remember way back when people questioned your competency regarding this. At the time I thought they were being too harsh but hey, its been a while and we have seen much howling and boasting -> itihas/purana/DS/veda/etc are all full of cr@p and need to be re-written or something. Well ex-monk we are still waiting for that NavyaShastra to come out. Just post your progress report on that. Or have you guys taken the easy way out and resorted to cheap rhetorics ?

Dalits In Reverse

From being the dominant community at one time, the Tamil Brahmins are facing the effects of a new casteism

S. ANAND
March 22. The day of the annual chariot festival at the Kapaleeswarar temple, Mylapore. Thousands of spectators jostle for space. Amid shouts of "Kapali", the Siva-mounted chariot inches along the temple tank. Hundreds of non-Brahmins sweat at the vadam (ropes) of the chariot. P. Madhavan, 40, asks for a chance to handle the vadam. After touching the rope, he retreats to his spectator position, leaving the task of pulling the chariot to others. He merely wanted some punyam (blessings) by the symbolic handling of the vadam.

Standing on the sidelines, and often reticent, the Tamil Brahmin community is not known to expend energy on protests. It is not surprising thus that one saw little by way of public protest following the arrest of the two Shankaracharyas of Kanchipuram. But the fact is that the Tamil Brahmin community is distressed, dismayed and angry. Several have confessed to going hungry and sleepless for days. At workplaces, middle-class Brahmin employees wore a forlorn look for weeks. Organised supporters launched websites and issued full-page ads in newspapers. The nris wrote angry emails and blogged. For the middle-class Brahmin, the fretting and fuming seemed limited to drawing rooms, helplessly watching TV and writing an occasional letter to the media.

The Brahmin in Tamil country has felt that he has been on the ropes for close to a hundred years now. The assertion of self-respect by the non-Brahmins since the launch of the Non-Brahmin Manifesto in 1916, the Periyar-led Self-Respect Movement that followed, the formation of the Justice Party government in 1920 and the coming to power of the DMK in 1967 led to the unhinging of Brahmin hegemony. In 1928, the Brahmins, who constituted 3 per cent of the population, occupied 620 gazetted officer positions compared to non-Brahmin Hindus who had only 327 officers. Today, in the only state where reservation for various non-Brahmin communities goes up to 69 per cent, the non-Brahmins have come into their own. Recalls danseuse Anita Ratnam: "My brother did not get an engineering seat despite scoring 98 per cent and had to study in a Madurai college. When they looked for marriage proposals for me in the '70s, all eligible Brahmin boys had gone abroad!"

The rise of the Kanchi math paralleled the ascension of Dravidian power. Functioning from a rented building, the math moved to its present address—1, Salai Street, Kanchipuram—only in the 1920s. Till the 1940s, the math attracted little public attention. Reeling under the onslaught of the Periyarite movement, several educated Brahmins of Tamil Nadu headed for Bombay and Delhi. Those who entered the civil services and business invested faith and resources in the math.

Once the DMK came to power, the Brahmins ceased to throw up major political figures. Even the Congress—which once boasted of stalwarts like S. Satyamurthy and C. Rajagopalachari—began to clamour for non-Brahmin faces; the Left parties, which traditionally attracted Brahmin leadership, are today led by non-Brahmins in Tamil Nadu. Besides CM J. Jayalalitha, the only Brahmin MLA in the 234-member assembly is the BJP's H. Raja. In contrast, the Thevars have 93 MLAs.
Squeezed out of politics, the Brahmins wrested control of the bureaucracy, emerging as significant players in Delhi and rallied around the Kanchi math. Under Jayendra Saraswati, who allied himself with the emerging Hindutva, the math attracted politicians and industrialists of various hues and acquired a national profile. Today, such a math is in a shambles.

The president of Tamil Nadu Brahmins Association (Tambras), N. Narayanan, says the impact of Shankaracharya's arrest was "a semi-tsunami" for the Brahmins. He is unhappy with the Brahmin response. "They sit within four walls and cry.They reacted emotionally, not intellectually. I wanted 10,000 Brahmins for a protest, but few turned up.Brahmins must use this opportunity to come out of their shell." But says S. Kumar, an employee of Bank of Baroda, "I am afraid of participating in a rally in this Dravidian ethos."

Not all Brahmins are reluctant. Prema Krishanmurthy, 54, a typical traditional Brahmin from Mylapore, has rarely stepped out of her house. But the Kanchi math issue has stirred her. At a protest meeting, she said: "All Brahmin women must become Durga swaroopinis (incarnate)." Spouting Sanskrit shlokas, she compares Jayendra's predicament to the mythical Prahlada's. Jayendra's tribulations have rekindled personal memories of persecution. "When I sported the madisaru-style sari at 18, people heckled me. When my son was 16, DMK workers pulled his kudumi (tuft)."

The Tamil Brahmin community is not unanimous in its opinion. K.R. Prakash and his wife Rama Prakash, both employed at the accountant-general office, were first shocked. Several of Prakash's Brahmin women colleagues cried. Rama says: "We regarded the earlier pontiff as our kula-guru. The present Shankaracharyas never touched our lives." Rama's brother S. Ramanathan says the developments around the math have hurt them, but prefers to be pragmatic. "Over the last decade, one could buy personal benediction from Jayendra Saraswati. He would visit anybody's house for a price." The math's commercialisation had alienated quite a few followers who, today, regret having to "defend the indefensible".

A. Srivatsan, who teaches at the School of Architecture, Anna University, and specialises in temples, says: "In arguing that Jayendra was political and commercial unlike Chandrashekarendra, his defenders are trying to rationalise the arrest. Talking of persecution is another way of coming to terms with the arrest." Counters Anita Ratnam: "On a visit to the Vaishnavite Srimad Andavan ashram, I felt an embarrassing silence about the Shankaracharya issue. One feels the
Brahmin community is being seen as culpable."

Mumbai-based writer C.S. Lakshmi, better known as Ambai, says ordinary Brahmins have been shaken by the arrest irrespective of their opinion on Jayendra. "My 90-year-old mother used to keep a picture of all three Shankaracharyas. After his arrest, she removed Jayendra Saraswati's photo from the frame. In Chembur, Uttam Society runs a temple where they had a portrait of Jayendra. They have now removed it." She, however, says the Brahmins must not be complaining so much: "They may not dominate politics and the economy, but brahminic values have penetrated all strata of life and the media."

The lack of protests also owes to the math's poor following, according to Gnaani, editor, Dheemtarikita: "The math never had a mass following like Bangaru Adigalar or other non-Brahmin maths. Even among Brahmins, only the political right sees this as persecution." Says Srivatsan: "In reality, the Kanchi math has hardly been representative of Tamil Brahmins. The temple-worshipping culture of the Tamils owes its legacy to the Bhakti movement of Alwars and Nayanmars. The advaitic Kanchi math derives nothing from this tradition."

According to litterateur Sundara Ramaswamy: "There are many Brahmins who feel we must not attack Jayendra Saraswati at this moment even if he could be guilty. He worked for the uplift of Brahmins. His contribution to Hinduism is minimal. Jayendra never liked genuine Hindu leaders like Vivekananda as he was not a Brahmin. In terms of social transformation, this episode had little impact on society."

Indira Parthasarathy, playwright and winner of the Saraswati Samman, says it is only the 50-plus generation that has been shaken. "Jayendra Saraswati is not a rallying point for the community." Parthasarathy argues that there was no anti-Brahminism in Tamil society to start with. "There was no Brahmin-non-Brahmin antagonism during the Sangam and Bhakti periods." He blames it on British colonialism: "In north India, British divided the society into Hindus and Muslims. In the south, the only divide possible was into non-Brahmin and Brahmin."

Points out Cho Ramaswamy, Rajya Sabha MP: "The Brahmin is harassed. There was a time when Brahmins dominated every field. This had to change. When Periyar started his movement, violence was systematically encouraged. The DK and DMK scandalised the Brahmin community. The Brahmin met the challenge and has emerged successful. Because of lack of reservation, the Brahmins had to perform better, work harder." Dismissing the comparison with Jews, Cho says, "There was no such persecution though Periyar may have wanted it to happen."

Who will the Tamil Brahmins now turn to? Tambras president Narayanan's final appeal is to Jayalalitha: "If Jayalalitha can offer a package for the tsunami-affected fisherfolk, she must also announce one for the aggrieved brahmin community and mollify them." The real tsunami did not affect the Tamil brahmins. But the epicentre of their grief lies 75 km southwest of Chennai, in Kanchipuram.

A Woman's Recollection


If there were
enough people living their egalitarian principles in day to day life,
a lot of non-brahmanas would have been touched by at least one such
soul, and would not stereotype the brahmanas.

I had an equally previliged upbringing. My father involved in no
particular project, but he has always lived a life of sensitivity and
respect to everyone that came in contact with him - everyone. He had
no particluar ideology about communism or social reform but just led a
life unfearingly full of good manners, concern and thoughtfulness
shown to everyone around him.

Proven beyond doubt. Your govt has acknowledged it within their own statistics.

The official statistic during 1990 to 2000, indicate that a total of two and half lakh (precisely 252370 cases) cases of various crimes were registered countrywide by the dalits.

I dont recall anyone questioning my competancy!

BOARD OF MANAGEMENT
PATRON  

Hon'ble K.R. Narayanan
Former President of India


CHAIRMAN  

Mr. Martin Macwan
Director, Navsarjan Trust, Ahmedabad

MEMBERS  


Prof. Sukhadeo Thorat
Centre for the Study of Regional Development,
Jawaharlal Nehru Univeristy,
New Delhi

Prof. Ghanshyam Shah
Centre for Social Medicine and Community Health,
Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi

Prof. Ashok Mathur
Former Professor, Centre for the Study of Regional Development,
Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi

Dr. Rohini Nayar
Advisor, Rurall Development,
Planning Commission,
New Delhi
Ms. Palanimuthu Sivakami
Commissioner,
Department of Finance,
Govt. of Tamil Nadu,
Chennai

Prof. Gail Omvedt
Former Professor,
Department of Sociology,
University of Pune,
Pune

There Babasaheb clearly stated, explaining why he selected Nagpur for Conversion that" Nagpur was the centre of Naga Kingdom and Culture. There is a river known as Nag River around this city, I heard... Nagpur name also came from Nag People. At one time Nagas were the warriors and rulers of India...Nagas were the staunch followers of Buddhism... After Aryan invasion, there were many wars between them. India's history is nothing but the struggle for supremacy between Buddhism and Brahminism..They annihilated Nagas by hook or by crook..We heard the story of saving a Nag, the serpent, by Augusti Rushi in the hindu literature.. that was not the nag serpent but Nag people.. we are supposed to be the descendants of that Naga Person....." This clearly states that we, the Dalits, are different from Indo-Aryans.

Dalit rights activists have, naturally, been eager to raise the question of caste discrimination on the international stage, particularly since this government (in power since 1998) has been the first to block discussion of caste in international forums. Martin Macwan, national head of the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, reminds us that "in earlier international forums, notably the Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, the Government of India had successfully taken up the issue of caste-based discrimination. Why is it insisting that caste is an 'internal' matter?" The idea that caste is an "internal" matter is specious, mainly because "caste" as we know it today is decidedly fostered by a combination of Indian social relations, European-driven colonialism, and global capitalism. These three factors produce what we know as caste today, since the practice cannot claim to be an ahistorical reflection of what one reads in Sanskrit texts. Caste, then, is not "internal," but a form of social discrimination that is in conversation with similar forms elsewhere. It is in this spirit that most Dalit rights activists want to hold the international discussion.

The main platform for the liberation of oppressed castes in India is land reform, a remedy that would make no sense in the western European context. While we seek to be internationalists in our vision and to fight against the occlusion of oppression by cruel nationalism (often in the service of imperialist globalization), we should be very keen to the political platforms that our analysis produces. Politics is, after all, not just about our gut instincts, but principally about the platforms we produce to engender struggles.

How true is this ?

Complete BS.

The class differences in many societies, including in many parts of India, have diluted over the years, and will continue to dilute as each generation of boys and girls of all social classes mix and intermingle in schools, universities, and at the work place. So, why pick on India as being any different, and keep harping on the Brahmins as the cause of all social divisions and conflicts. On the contrary, all castes in India engaged in differential behaviour and treatment of other castes that were considered as being lower than them in the social ladder. One has to go to UP or Bihar today, and witness how the land owners, the zamindars, who are not Brahmins, treat the farmers. The Chettiars, Naidus, and Pillais, and all other castes in TN have in the past and even today do not always behave with civility to persons lower than them in the social rank. Such behaviour, though not nice, appears to be a universal human trait, and not restricted to the Brahmin community alone.

..overlook the social responsibilities of other castes/social classes

It doesnt say hate crimes..

Broad classification of crimes under the Indian Penal Code (IPC)

i) Crimes Against Body: Murder, Its attempt, Culpable Homicide not amounting to Murder, Kidnapping & Abduction, Hurt, Causing Death by Negligence;

ii) Crimes Against Property: Dacoity, its preparation & assembly, Robbery, Burglary, Theft;

iii) Crimes Against Public Order: Riots, Arson;

iv) Economic Crimes: Criminal Breach of Trust, Cheating, Counterfeiting;

v) Crimes Against Women: Rape, Dowry Death, Cruelty by Husband and Relatives, Molestation, Sexual Harassment and Importation of Girls;

vi) Crimes Against Children: Child Rape, Kidnapping & Abduction of Children, Procuration of minor girls, Selling/Buying of girls for Prostitution, Abetment of Suicide, Exposure and Abandonment, Infanticide, Foeticide; vii) Other IPC crimes.

Although Women may be victims of any of the crimes such as `Murder', `Robbery', `Cheating', etc, only the crimes which are directed specifically against Women are characterised as `Crime Against Women'. These are broadly classified under two categories.

(1) The Crimes under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) (i) Rape (Sec. 376 IPC) (ii) Kidnapping & Abduction for different purposes (Sec. 363 - 373 IPC) (iii) Homicide for Dowry, Dowry Deaths or their attempts (Sec. 302/304-B IPC) (iv) Torture, both mental and physical (Sec. 498-A IPC) (v) Molestation (Sec. 354 IPC) (vi) Sexual Harassment* (Sec. 509 IPC) (vii) Importation of girls (upto 21 years of age) (Sec. 366-B IPC) (* referred in the past as `Eve-Teasing')

(2) The Crimes under the Special & Local Laws (SLL)

Classification of Crimes The crimes against Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes are broadly categorised under two categories.

(1) Under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) (i) Murder (ii) Hurt(iii) Rape (iv) Kidnapping & Abduction (v) Dacoity (vi) Robbery (vii) Arson (viii) Others (other classified IPC crimes)

(2) Under Special Laws (SL) (i) Protection of Civil Rights Acts, 1955 (ii) The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. The crimes under IPC such as `Murder', `Hurt', `Rape', etc. or under Special Acts such as PCR Act & SC/ST (P) Act are already included in overall crimes reported under IPC and SLL respectively and have been discussed in details in the preceding chapters. The specific crimes against SC/ST discussed in the following paragraphs is part and parcel of total crimes but analysed separately for better comprehension.

Caste-based discrimination stokes up controversy Saturday, June 9, 2001

The Times of India
GANDHINAGAR, June 8: The National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights' latest effort to internationalise caste-based discrimination as a major issue needing focused attention at the upcoming UN Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, to be held in August-September 2001 in Durban, South Africa, has thrown up a fresh round of controversy over a subject that has so far attracted little attention.

After the top-level preparatory committee meeting (prepcomm) at Geneva for the conference (May 21 to June 1), the campaign leadership and the Indian officialdom seem all set to confront each other over the issue.

Led by two Ahmedabad-based Dalit leaders, Pravin Rashtrapal, a Congress MP, and NCDHR convenor Martin Macwan, who runs Dalit NGO Navsarjan Trust, if the issue has already led the government of India to be on the defensive, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad has strongly suggested the intention to challenge and fight back. The Centre's position was spelt out by Indian ambassador to the UN at Geneva (permanent mission) Savitri Kunadi, who told the prepcomm meeting that caste cannot be equated with apartheid. But she agreed to include "discrimination on the basis of work and descent" in the UN covenant on human rights.

Back from Geneva, Rashtrapal has sought Congress president Sonia Gandhi's intervention with Prime Minister AB Vajpayee. "The Opposition has not been consulted while taking up the matter at an international forum and also why none of the Dalit MPs from any party has been included in the commission that is to represent India at the Geneva conference", he told TOI.

In a letter to foreign minister Jaswant Singh, who chairs the Indian commission for Durban, he said, he was "shocked to find that the official Indian delegation prevailed upon the UN secretariat to ensure the removal of the phrase 'discrimination based on caste'."

Meanwhile, the VHP has strongly opposed the NCDHR's stand. Acharya Giriraj Kishore, in a statement, widely in circulation among Dalit NGOs, has said the "UN has no business to consider caste discrimination as form of human rights violation".

Calling caste as denoting "what profession man has adopted" and a part of "ancient customs and system" which "should not be and cannot be abolished by any court". The Acharya believes "it is a violation of human rights to abolish caste" because caste "does not say to anybody to discriminate against each other".

If Macwan has called the Acharya's statement a "slap to 50 years of constitutional guarantee to the Dalits in India", as convenor of the NCDHR, he has written an open letter to all members of the official commission set up by the Central government, saying, "The issue of caste-based discrimination cannot be considered as the sole concern of one section of the Indian population." It should in fact be made into a "national concern".

Addressed, among others, to foreign minister Jaswant Singh and Indian ambassador to the US Abid Husain, who is a member of the Indian commission for Durban, the letter says, "We believe that by blocking any mention of the problem of occupation and descent-based discrimination as caste discrimination, the Indian government is making itself vulnerable to increased criticism by the world community that it is refusing to do anything about a widely known and unacceptable phenomenon."

The letter emphasises, "We do not agree with the Indian position that caste is an internal matter of Indian society, and therefore should not be internationalised. In keeping with its constitution the nation has committed itself to the international human rights regime. We are concerned that eminent diplomat Abid Husein, in his capacity as special papporteur on freedom of speech and expression, has publicly expressed the view that by equating caste with race the Campaign will harm national interests."

Rashtrapal told the Geneva meet, "The Indian government does not enjoy consensus support within the country to deny the inclusion of such a major issue at this conference... A single government should not be able to stand in the way of addressing an issue that affects so many people in so many parts of the world."

Dalits of India, Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan, Burakumins of Japan, Osus of Nigeria, Rodiyas of Sri Lanka and certain oppressed communities in Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Guinea and Madagascar fall under the category.

Rashtrapal said, "There little reason for the government to be so perturbed about an issue when no one is criticising it. The matter should be national concern. We just want to include caste based discrimination in the UN covenant on human rights."

Top world NGOs, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Max Romana, Lutheran World Federation, DanChurchAid, International Movement Against All forms of Radial Discrimination, Minority Rights Group International, Robert F. Kennedy Memorial, Asian Legal Resource Centre, Bakuru Liberation League of Japan and Human Development Organisation of Sri Lanka have backed the NCDHR stand.

Martin Macwan (2000 - India)
Martin’s Support Group (SG) held its first meeting in Boston on June 21st. Martin
updated the group on recent developments at Navsarjan and the group had a chance to
discuss the progress on the Water Justice and Information Management projects. Dr.
Stam is currently drafting sample surveys to be conducted at the village and individual
levels throughout the 3100 villages within which Navsarjan is working. With the
information gathered, Navsarjan will be able to track the efficacy of their campaigns and
also monitor human rights conditions amongst Dalits.
In another Support Group project, Dr. Susan Murcott from MIT traveled to Navsarjan in
June to conduct a technical assessment for the Water Justice project. She visited several
city waste sites, the Environmental and Sanitation center and the Gandhi ashram to
explore engineering solutions to eliminating manual scavenging in Gujarat. Support
Group members, Drs. Rajagopal and Murcott, are going to finalize a comprehensive
project implementation framework for the Water Justice project upon Dr. Murcott’s
return from India.
Nupur Sinha spent the month of June in Washington, DC attending the American
University Law School’s Academy on Human Rights and Humanitarian Law. At
Martin’s request, CHR had facilitated Ms. Sinha’s attendance as a means to further
international human rights training for Navsarjan’s legal partners. Ms. Sinha is the
executive director of the Center for Social Justice (CSJ). After completing a course, she
and a CHR staff member met with several organizations to share lessons from their
respective work (in the area of gender, prisoners’ rights and paralegal organizations).
Ms. Sinha also traveled to Boston with a CHR staff member to meet with Drs. Rajagopal
and Stam (SG members) to discuss CSJ’s new paralegal institute and the SG’s projects.
Finally, Ms. Sinha spoke with Smita Narula (SG member) about a possible collaboration
between CSJ and the NYU Human Rights clinic.

Rejoinder to National Geographic Magazine   

By: Swami Jyoti
swamijyoti@vivekanandagospel.org
August 22, 2003

Rejoinder to National Geographic Magazine
(June 2003 issue article on “India's Untouchables”)

WILL THEY LISTEN?
A Word to the Editor and his staff writer:

To William L. Allen,
Editor in chief National Geographic Magazine
PO Box 98199 Washington, DC, U.S.A
20090-8199 E-mail: <ngm@nationalgeographic.com>

Sir,

Ref: The article, “India’s Untouchables” in your June 2003 issue, by your staff writer Tom O’Neill.

At the very outset (as I have also done at the end of my rejoinder to your article which follows) let me raise an important point. Coming on the heels of this National Geographic article is the Pope’s statement in Vatican. One therefore suspects if this article was an advance propaganda for Christian Conversions Movement aimed at India and other Asian countries advocated by the Pope. A specialized scientific Magazine like the National Geographic becoming a tool in the hands of dogmatic Christian Missionaries who have stood against all reason and science, and who have divided Christianity itself into two warring halves, Catholics and Protestants, is a tragedy, to say the least. Will the author, Tom O’Neill, listen to the reasons given in the rejoinder and come out of his prejudice against the really great nation, India, which is destined to play very soon an important role in the cultural history of the world? --

HINDU MONK

=======================================================================

A REJOINDER TO THE NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC MAGAZINE

FROM A HINDU MONK

Recently (June 2003), two prominent U.S. Magazines carried special articles focussing on the ‘proselytomania’ of the fervent American evangelists. The writings highlighted the abnormal missionary zeal and bizarre mentality as also their typical methodology for ‘harvesting souls’. While one Magazine was bragging about the Christian Evangelical crusade against the Islamic country of Iraq in the wake of Baghdad’s fall, the other was apparently camouflaging but nevertheless cleverly towing the missionary line to increase the count of harvested souls in India.

The Time Magazine (internet: <www.time.com>) article, insolently captioned: “Should Christians Convert Muslims?” focussed on a new flock of missionaries who had launched a vigorous campaign to take the Christian Gospel to Islamic countries, which sooner or later is bound to inspire more backlash than belief. The article speaks for itself the hautiness of the evangelists and the low cunning employed by them in winning the alien souls for Jesus Christ.

The article in the National Geographic Magazine (internet: <www.nationalgeographic.com>) captioned "India’s Untouchables", apparently exhibiting the white man’s burden for the lowly and the downtrodden in India, was written from the point of view of finding fault with Hinduism, plus a pinch of 'Gandhi-bashing'. Even a casual reader from India, would not have failed to note the fact that this article was mainly aimed at denigrating the Hindu religion and India. A not-well-researched article, full of prejudice, it appeared to be mostly for consumption in the western world, with a view to evoke sympathy and support for the avowedly proselytizing activities in India.

On a visit to the online Readers Forum (Internet: <www.nationalgeographic.com/ngm>) of the NG, I found pages after pages of strong reaction shown by its readers, both from the East and the West, to the biased article on “India’s Untouchables.” Needless to say that my fingers were tired of scrolling through more than twenty pages in the Internet. Many more pages still remained. The following few lines are in the light of the reaction found in the initial couple of pages:

Presenting a biased view, by highlighting only the evil side of the Hindu caste system and not at all focussing on the progress made in eliminating it, by associating caste system with Hinduism, while it is equally prevalent in other religions, NG has unwittingly fallen into the trap of Vatican to paint Hinduism and India in bad colors. May be, only then they can keep the harvest of souls in India going. Exploitation of caste system by Christian missionaries is what is perpetuating the caste system. Understanding the influence of missionaries in western media to denigrate foreign cultures is critical to understand the lack of objectivity and bias in this report. Instead of portraying the problems of the lower classes in a proper context of living environment, the NG unfortunately has chosen Hinduism as its context. This article is patently a distorted picture of reality and is meant to sensitize the global concern for the lower classes in India and to motivate the proselytizers in their usual game of increasing their numbers.

Everyone knows that our previous president was K. R Narayanan -- a Dalit (if you want to use this word). Our current president is a Muslim, the prime minister a Hindu, finance minister, a Sikh and defense minister a Christian. Tell me one other nation on the earth, which can boast of such diversity. Therefore, this article is a well-written selective-truth which people can believe, but are getting a very small picture, which is neither representative of India nor Hinduism.

The above lines, gathered and compiled from the Readers Forum, give an idea of the strong reaction shown by the readers of NG.
*****

With all our limitations, we Indians have a reason to be proud of having established and sustained a democratic political system. This is our greatest achievement. We have managed to have a broad representation even at the highest level of our democratically elected governments: our prime ministers and presidents have included individuals who were also women, Muslims, Sikhs, Dalits. As against this, how many colour presidents or women presidents can the ‘greatest democracy in the world’, the U.S. boast? This is an important question, which the Indians wish to ask Tom O’Neill, the U.S. author of the article in NG. Obviously, he has no answer. On the contrary, he will eat humble pie if he is told how his forefathers ill-treated and persecuted the Blacks in the U.S.

In 1893, speaking about the inhuman treatment of Negroes in America, Swami Vivekananda, the great Hindu Monk of India, who was in Chicago at that time, observed that their lot had become worse after the abolition of slavery (in 1865). “Today”, said the Swami, “they are the property of nobody. Their lives are of no value; they are burnt alive on mere pretences. They are shot down without any law for they are murderers; for they are Niggers, they are not human beings, they are not even animals…”

During the decade, 1889-1899, the total number of Negroes lynched, according to official estimates, was 1460. “Prejudice against the Negroes was equally strong in the North; and the main body of Northern opinion believed, as the South did, that the Negro was an inferior being; that he could never be fully assimilated into the American system, and that he was best kept subordinate to the white man. Segregation, discrimination and ‘Jim Crow’ customs received the tacit approval even of such northern liberals as Godkin of ‘The Nation ’.” (A Comprehensive Biography of Swami Vivekananda, Part I, p. 449, 451and 452).

In this context, it must also be pointed out that the white supremacists of America organized the Ku Klux Klan, one of the notorious secret societies of modern times, after the American Civil War, in protest against the emancipation of Negroes in order to prevent their voting. The members of this secret society, enraged at seeing former slaves in position of power while they themselves were forbidden to hold public office under Reconstruction resorted to terror and violence to subdue the newly enfranchised Negroes and keep them from polls.

In the face of all this evidence in the historical records of his own Christian country, the U.S., Tom O’Neill, still has a cheek to find fault with Hinduism and India. It is a classic case of the pot calling the kettle black. It is not too late for him to tender an unconditional apology not only to the Blacks but also to the Red Indians of America for all the atrocities and holocaust perpetrated on them by his forefathers. In addition, incorporating the contrite apology, he can also write another detailed article on the subject matter, to be published prominently as a cover story in the NG.

Having said all this, let us now carefully analyze Tom O’Neill article. At the very outset it must stated that one gets confused about the conclusions arrived at by him on the facts he presents. He mentions about one Giridharilal Maurya, a leather worker, aged 52, who was attacked by eight men from higher Rajput caste families of Rajasthan, who has taken legal steps, whose case drags on and on, and whose son has advanced to the college. The author then concludes, “To be born a Hindu in India is to enter the caste system… Cast system follows the precept: ‘All men are created unequal.’ ” According to Swami Vivekananda, the greatest modern authority on Hinduism, caste is only a social guild. It has helped large groups to survive with their way of life and culture under extremely trying circumstances of history like the thousand years of most violent and intolerant political subjugation, first under the Islamic marauders and then under the British Christian traders.

To support his theory that ‘all men are created unequal’, Tom O’Neill refers to a ‘legend’ mentioned in the famous Rig Vedic ‘Purusha Sukta’. Here the four Varnas, Bramana, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra are described to emerge from head, shoulders, thighs and feet of the Supreme Being. Then how does the idea of the ‘unequal’ come? To be different parts of the Supreme Being is not to be ‘unequal.’ Does the author think that his legs are unequal to his hand, shoulder, or head? He further says: A fifth group are the Achuta or untouchables and that the Primordial Being (viz. the Creator God) does not claim them, meaning the Purusha Sukta does not mention them. Then, how does he call them the fifth group, and on what authority?

The author goes on to say that in “extreme cases, which are not uncommon, the women of the untouchables are raped, burned, lynched and gunned down”, and in the same breath also admits that the “Indian Constitution forbids discrimination, and specially abolishes untouchability.” Yet, he writes, “Hinduism of 80% population discriminates untouchables.” Does the author mean that 80% population are persecuting continuously the untouchables in the worst manner of raping etc? In that case, the country could have been a boiling hell for so many ever-increasing international communities who come here for business, for study in our Universities, to play World Cup cricket, chess etc. How does he explain that?

On page 13 of NG, the author writes to contradict himself, “The untouchables appear quite normal” and again, he says, “You cannot hide your caste and the other Hindus find out.” On page 14 of NG the author says, “1950 Constitution mandates a quota and reserves seats in Federal Legislature upto 15%. They are in law called Scheduled Castes and Tribes and have reserved seats in State Legislatures, village councils, civil services and universities”, and adds, “but for all the laws, the hard heart of caste remains unmoved.” Does he mean that these reserved seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Legislatures, both Federal and State, are not allowed to be filled by the upper castes? Then what about A. Jagajivan Ram, who became the Deputy Prime Minister under Nehru, K. R. Narayanan, who became President, Bangaru Laxman who became the President of BJP, Kalyan Singh and Bangarappa, both Chief Ministers of two big states viz. Utter Pradesh and Karnataka? Dozens of Federal and State Ministers are from Scheduled Castes. The author himself mentions the present Chief Minister Mayawati as the three-times elected Chief Minister of Utter Pradesh! In the face of these, how can he conclude, as he does that “there are 160 million untouchables in a country that trumpets itself as a model for developing nations, the world’s most populous democracy, a modern power outfitted with software industries, communication satellites and plant for making nuclear energy and bombs”?

The author mentions only those Doms (Scheduled Caste) cleaning sewerage etc. Why does he not even mention how many Scheduled Castes have been living in decent flats constructed in large numbers by every state Government! The Doms of Pathuriaghata (in Calcutta), for example, have set up a model of self-development under the leadership of a middle class college professor, Shiv Shankar Chakraborty. They helped him to help their 250 families to built well furnished flats with hygienic drainage, water supply, electric, general systems and technical education. They earn while they learn in their ‘Canework Industries’ through cooperative marketing system.

On page 19 of NG, mention is made of Mahatma Gandhi as a leader of the campaign to eliminate untouchability. In 1915, in his Sabarmati Ashram, Gandhi admitted an untouchable family, wrote against untouchability and gave the untouchables a new name, ‘Harijans’. In 1933 he led the temple entry movement and declared that “untouchability is on its last legs”. However, the author laments, “it was only a day dream.” Was it really? The previous para in NG disproves the author’s conclusion: “Mahatma Gandhi campaigned to eliminate Untouchability. At his ashram, he accepted a family of Untouchables. He adopted the family’s Untouchable daughter. In writings and speeches, Gandhi implored Indians to cease discriminating against Untouchables. At his ashram, all residents performed traditionally unclean chores.” On the same page, the author says again, “Gandhi never actually renounced the Hindu Caste System, and the concrete results of his actions were few.” What about the inter-caste marriages that Gandhi practiced in his own family and encouraged in numberless cases? Swami Vivekananda says that the whole world practices caste-system, the only difference being that in the West, it is based on dollars and in India, it is based on culture! The Swami further tells that what has to go is not the caste, which is only a cultural-economic grouping but the difference in their privileges to enjoy life. “Abolish the privileges, and you have the best society”, the Swami assures.

The Ramakrishna Mission Movement started by Swami Vivekananda, which considers caste as only a cultural-economic grouping and not a hereditary or religious institution, pushing ahead by properly educating in culture and economic uplift the backward people. This is yielding results in that the caste privileges are going, all castes meet as equals at all levels of physical, mental, cultural and spiritual forum. Thus, the Ramakrishna Mission has become a ‘trend setter’ of a ‘privilegeless society’. It is a pity that the Christian author of the article in the NG is completely blind to these epoch-making changes taking place in India. May be his Semitic upbringing prevented him from knowing first hand about the dedicated service activities of several Hindu organizations including the Vanavasi Kalyana Kendra and Vivekananda Kendra which are doing a yeomen service in the cause of the lowly and the downtrodden, all over India. On the other hand, the author seems to be well acquainted with and knows more about the activities of one Martin Macwan (obviously a Christian convert) who has started his own organization in Gujarat, backed by the foreign aid received from the Washington, D.C. – based Holdeen India Program (must be a Christian organization aiding and abetting conversions in India). It should be noted that as the author mentions, Martin Macwan, educated and trained in a Jesuit seminary in India, is now active in some 2,200 villages. Stating that Martin Macwan is one of the most visible Untouchable organizers since Ambedkar, the author goes on to say that “until an Untouchable leader like Ambedkar emerges or until Hinduism ceases playing a central role in politics and law enforcement -- both distant prospects -- the shame of untouchability condition will persist. When and if fundamental change does come, it will be traumatic and almost certainly violent. It will probably happen slowly, village by village…” Reminded of the ‘Liberation Theology’ of the Christian missionaries to expedite conversions?

On page 23 of NG, it is mentioned, “no comparable untouchable leader with a wide following has emerged since Ambedkar’s death. The movement is fractured, state by state.” What about the leadership of Sri Narayana Guru of Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Sangham in Kerla etc? What about the BJP’s Bangaru Laxman etc. already referred to in the previous paras?

In a recent meeting at the Marina Beach in Chennai presided over by the Sankaracharya of Kanchi, an untouchable leader spoke about the atrocities against them after conversion to Christianity. In another meeting held at Ambedkar Nagar, the untouchables proclaimed they were Hindus and that they should not lose their glorious cultural heritage of 5000 years. In this, they had the support of the Shankaracharya of Kanchi, Ramakrishna Math, Chinmaya Mission, Swami Dayananda Saraswati and others of a dozen leading Hindu Organizations. Does this not prove that the problem of untouchability is being best solved by themselves and there are enough leaders among themselves to do it! Does this not disprove the author’s point of the whole article that untouchability has remained and will continue to remain a Caste problem of India?

Before I conclude, let me raise an important point. Coming on the heels of this National Geographic article is the Pope’s statement in Vatican. One therefore suspects if this article was an advance propaganda for Christian Conversions Movement aimed at India and other Asian countries advocated by the Pope. A specialized scientific magazine like the National Geographic becoming a tool in the hands of dogmatic Christian Missionaries who have stood against all reason and science, and who have divided Christianity itself into two warring halves, Catholics and Protestants, is a tragedy, to say the least. Will the author, Tom O’Neill, listen to the reasons given above and come out of his prejudice against the really great nation, India, which is destined to play very soon an important role in the cultural history of the world?

Swami Jyoti

Holdeen India Program

WelcomeThe Unitarian Universalist Holdeen India Program (UUHIP) works with organizations of India's most excluded and oppressed peoples: women; dalits, so-called "untouchables" who fall outside the caste system; and the adivasis or tribals who are India's indigenous peoples, especially migrant, bonded and landless agricultural laborers. UUHIP supports their efforts to participate fully in the social, economic and political life of India.

The Holdeen Funds
by Raja Mylavaganam

In this paper1 I will inquire into the establishment of the Holdeen Funds and the management of these trust funds by the Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations (UUA), the nominal beneficiaries so designated by the benefactor, Jonathan Holdeen. The Holdeen Funds have been represented to the Internal Revenue Service and promoted to the public by the UUA as intended for the impoverished people of India. Was this the original intent for the Funds, and have these intentions been respected?

I shall seek to show that there are serious discrepancies between the manner in which the income from the Holdeen Funds are being expended and their ascribed purposes. These manipulations may be serious enough to raise questions about the financial morality of the individuals responsible for administering the Holdeen Funds. Has the Board of Trustees of the UUA contravened the legal limits of the Holdeen Funds in the appropriations for the year 2000? This and other equally contentious questions will be asked throughout this paper and efforts made to answer them. Perhaps it is appropriate to begin by asking, “Who is Jonathan Holdeen?” and “What are the Holdeen Funds?”

I first heard mention of Jonathan Holdeen at Meadville Lombard Theological School, Chicago, Illinois where I had enrolled as a Doctor of Ministry candidate in September 1988. A seminary colleague of mine, on hearing of my interest in Indian Unitarians, contributed that a man named Jonathan Holdeen had left a considerable sum of money for "the poorest of the poor in India.” 2 I thought to myself, “How nice that Mr. Holdeen had left all this money for the poor people of India.” It affirmed my choice to be a Unitarian and I congratulated myself for having made the wise choice of becoming a student at a Unitarian seminary.

I discovered that the UUA is a liberal religious organization that has some 200,000 members and 1003 congregations; and is the result of a merger between the American Unitarian Association and the Universalist Association. While small in numbers the Unitarian Universalists (UU) have had a far greater political representation in proportion to their numbers in the formal politics of State than most denominations. They are noted for taking bold social positions and are usually at the forefront of political, social and religious controversies that come before change and have been so since their inception in 1825. (See Chapter on William Roberts).

I skipped my second year at seminary to find out more about my new religious home by beginning a ministerial internship at the May Memorial Unitarian Society, Syracuse, New York. My training included conducting church services one Sunday a month. On one such Sunday, during the congregation’s response to my sermon on Indian Unitarians,3 I learned that Jonathan Holdeen had been a familiar, if somewhat eccentric, figure in Syracuse. From that time on I have noticed brief mentions of the Holdeen Fund in the UUA’s annual directory. There was, however, very little real information on Jonathan Holdeen or the Holdeen Funds, and not many were willing or able to speak knowledgeably on the subject of these Funds. In fact a recent request for information from International Office at the UUA drew this response from their Director, the Reverend Olivia Holmes, “Holdeen has nothing to do with your subject as far as I can tell.”4 The response seemed unusual given the huge amounts of Holdeen Fund moneys that were being spent by the UUA, and all of it in the name of the impoverished people of India.

It is now no longer difficult to access information on non-profit, charitable organizations that seek public financial contributions.5 In an article posted on the World Wide Web in October 1996 Chuck Shepherd, editor and compiler of the column, “News of the Weird,” wrote,

The Unitarian Universalist Church and heirs of Jonathan Holdeen settled their 20-year-old dispute on the disposition of Holdeen's estate, which was created in 1945 as a series of trusts that eventually would have amassed so much money they would have allegedly have funded the entire federal government and rendered taxation unnecessary. In fact, the Church which was a nominal beneficiary of the trusts, argued for their abolition in 1977 on the ground that they would soak up so much of the world's money that the administrators of the trusts would become too powerful.6



Shepherd compiled his column from actual news articles, and readily provided the source of the report upon my request. As it turned out the primary reporter for the stories on Jonathan Holdeen and the trusts he created was L. Stuart Ditzen.7 Ditzen reported on the court hearings between the UUA and Janet Adams Holden, Jonathan Holdeen’s daughter, in the Philadelphia Inquirer.8 These reports, along with United States Tax Court Reports,9 Form 990s filed by the Holdeen Funds10 make up the primary non-UUA sources for this paper. The majority of other sources for this paper come from UUA postings on the World Wide Web.11 The other significant organization whose record was examined for this paper is the Liberal Religious Charitable Society Inc.,12 a non-profit organization that is associated with the UUA.

The biographical material on Jonathan Holdeen presented here is culled from U.S. Tax Court reports.13 (This strange man did not even warrant an obituary in the New York Times).14 The court reporting reveals that Jonathan Holdeen was born Jonathan Holden in Sherburne, Chenango County, New York on 16 September 1881. He attended Colgate University until 1901. Upon graduation he worked in the law office of his father Stephen Holden before being admitted to the New York State bar in 1903. After gaining experience examining land titles at Title Guaranty & Trust Company in New York City he opened his own law office in Pleasantville, New York. He engaged more in business than practiced law, and during his lifetime built up considerable real estate holdings.

In 1932 he established an office in Poughkeepsie, and except for a brief spell of several months in 1940, he resided in Pine Plains until 1961. On the death of his wife, Stella Hamblen, he moved back to his birthplace, Sherburne, New York. From 1964 until 1967 Holdeen was the owner and resident of Onandaga Hotel in Syracuse, Central New York.15

Holdeen married Stella Hamblen in 1910 and by 1957 they had ten children and twenty-five grandchildren.16 In 1931 Jonathan changed his surname from Holden to Holdeen in an apparent attempt to distinguish his family as " the Northern Westchester branch of the family."17 The Court records the fact that other members of his family refused to change their names and his wife continues to be referred as Stella Holden in the Court’s reports.18 Jonathan Holdeen died on 14 June 1967 in relative obscurity, without as has already been noted, even getting a mention in the New York Times obituary column. This was incredible given that he invested large sums of money in a practical effort to rid the world of taxation.

Holdeen was motivated in his unusual plans for the governments of the world by Benjamin Franklin. As Holdeen noted in his article, "Should Thrift be Nationalized?", which was published along with other papers by Oswego Press, Cooperstown, New York.19

One of the first American statesmen performed an act which is suggestive of possibilities. When Benjamin Franklin died, it was found that besides providing for his children, he had made a number of philanthropic bequests out of his modest estate, two of which were unusual. He gave two funds of five thousand dollars each, one for Philadelphia where most of his life was passed and the other for Boston which was his native city. These funds were directed to be invested by being loaned to apprentices, starting in business for themselves, at 5% interest. The income was to be accumulated for one hundred years when the greater part of each fund was to be expended in providing some building or public work for the betterment of each city. As might be expected from the character of the investments, there were some losses. Nevertheless at the end of the century, Franklin’s Philadelphia fund is said to have increased from $5,000 to $450,000. There was a delay of some years while the citizens debated what to build with the fund. Meanwhile it increased to something like $650,000. The Boston fund has a similar history.20

An interesting afterword to Franklin’s wish for posterity was that the Massachusetts Legislature in 1958 tried to expropriate Franklin's Boston Fund,21 and Holdeen “printed and sent to the members of the Legislature a protest against such action”.22

Holdeen opined that society in general would not address such questions as frugality and thrift and decided that it was possible that an individual had “it in his power to set in train, a process which will contribute more forcefully to that end than exhortion".23 He set out to be that individual by entering into "some 186 agreements with his adult daughters or friends."24 He maintained the principle of providing for his family first, including his children, nephews, nieces and grandchildren, with a part going to charity. This would later become one of the contentions raised by lawyers for the IRS, and the UUA’s lawyers, in efforts to breakup the Holdeen trusts. The experts testifying for the UUA argued that the trusts created by Holdeen’s scheme were a plot to empower and enrich his family out of all proportion to what can be considered appropriate and beneficial to the issue of a tax free environment in Pennsylvania.25 Holdeen had named tax exempt organizations including the American Unitarian Association as the nominal beneficiaries,26 anticipating such challenges from the IRS who saw his schemes as an elaborate effort to avoid taxation. Holdeen could not have anticipated the AUA’s merger with the Universalists or that the succeeding organization, the UUA, would not live up to his expectations of financial morality. The leaders of the UUA whom Holdeen chose over his family or the State would eventually betray his faith in them, as I shall demonstrate through this paper.

Holdeen’s trusts were simple in their concept and in the math. In designing his scheme Holdeen set aside a total of $2.8 million in varying sums and at different times, stipulating that the income from the investments be allowed to accumulate. After a period of five hundred years, and in some instances a thousand years, the principal and accumulated income was to be paid to the State of Pennsylvania.27 Pennsylvania could than use the income to pay for the necessary expenses of government. At least that was Holdeen’s plan, if it had survived. But we will never know, thanks to the UUA.

As early as 1913 Holdeen willed that a portion of his estate be used to promote his ideas, encouraging the nations of the world to accumulate enough income to meet expenses of government without a requirement for taxation.28 Was he already moving past his mentor Benjamin Franklin who is thought to have coined the saying, ‘Only death and taxes are inevitable’? Holdeen, perhaps hearing an echo of Benjamin Franklin's claim, may have decided to prove his hero wrong on at least one of the two counts. He wanted to make Pennsylvania the first state in the Union that would not have to depend on taxation for its operations even if Pennsylvanians would have to wait 500 to 1000 years to realize their dream.29 Questions were raised about his efforts. Was Holdeen being prophetic and seeking to challenge conventional wisdom, or was he merely participating in the tried and true American pastime of avoiding personal taxation as charged by the IRS? Or was he seeking to assure his family unimaginable power over the people of the world, as charged by the UUA? I have not had the opportunity to peruse Holdeen’s writings30 and cannot provide conclusive answers to these questions at this time. What I can do is assure the reader that Holdeen was serious about his commitment. In 1932 when the market value of the entire real and personal property in the world was less than one trillion dollars,31 Holdeen provided specific formulas for the implementation of his plans to abolish taxation.

Holdeen was aware that his was an experimental idea and would be subject to challenge. He conceded that "the history of the past, with its records of invasions and revolutions proves that … an accumulated endowment … created two thousand years ago …would not (have) survive (d)"32 to 1912. Yet Holdeen was persuaded that advances that had been made in successive civilizations made it possible for futuristic thinking on his scale. He was sufficiently convinced that the time for his plan to eliminate waste and provide future leaders with resources to do the work of government was at hand. Holdeen believed that the inhabitants of the earth had reached "a stage of civilization when vested property rights will be unmolested even in case of conquest, unless they unusually conflict with the common welfare".33 Holdeen cited the example of William of Wickham and his endowment for Winchester College, England in 1393,34 which had withstood the test of time, as a model for his faith in his system.  Holdeen's effort to follow his vision for the fiscal independence of the governments of the world was, however, challenged from two quarters, the IRS and the UUA. His efforts to defend the trusts occupied him, and after he died in 1967, his daughter, Janet Holden Adams, for the better part of fifty years.35

To accomplish his goal Holdeen put money over the years into a number of trusts and made the American Unitarian Association and other non-profit organizations the nominal beneficiaries, with control in the hands of his descendants and the final beneficiary the State of Pennsylvania.36 It was part of the plan that the AUA use their portion of income to assist the natives of India, their descendants and Asians in general.37 As soon as Holdeen died challenges were made to the trusts. No one seemed to like the scheme, except perhaps the taxpayers of Pennsylvania:

The government of Pennsylvania didn't like it; the Internal Revenue Service absolutely loathed it. And the national Unitarian Universalist Church of Boston [sic], which played a key role in Holdeen's plan, disapproved one part of it – the part that set aside earnings of the trust for Pennsylvania. The church wanted the money, instead, but did not declare that until after Holdeen died in 1967.38

The first challenge to his unorthodox vision came from the Internal Revenue Service which, not unexpectedly "waged a 30-year legal battle to prove that the trusts were part of an elaborate scheme by Holden [sic] to avoid taxes and benefit his family."39 Jonathan Holdeen, succeeded by his daughter, Janet Holden Adams, successfully staved off the challenge of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue. In 1975 the judge held that the trusts initiated in 1945 were legal and "had no taxable incomes in the years involved."40

This was not the end of Holdeen's problems. The UUA now took their turn at breaking the trusts.

The Court reports indicate that Holdeen, based on correspondence he had with Percy W. Gardner, had on 8 November 1944 invited the AUA to participate in his financial plan. In his letter he had specifically offered the AUA the opportunity to make any revisions.41 At that time the American Unitarian Association agreed with and gave legitimacy to Holdeen's plan in return for a small portion of the income from his scheme. The participating of a non-profit charitable organization was necessary for Holdeen’s scheme to conform to Pennsylvania’s law since Pennsylvania was one of the few States to permit this type of idea. More importantly, the AUA had no objections to any of this in 1944. The UUA, successor organization to the AUA, did not agree and upon Holdeen’s death in 1967 began legal proceedings to get all the money. Ditzen headlined one of his articles:

"DREAM TO END TAXES NOW A NIGHTMARE (-) LAWYER WANTED TO USE INCOME FROM TRUST FUND TO RUN PENNSYLVANIA; CHURCH FIGHTS FOR MONEY."42

Nor was the State prepared for Holdeen’s plan. As Ditzen observed the "Pennsylvania attorney general's office stood with the church.”43

The UUA argued through its lawyers that "piling up money for 500 and 1,000 years was an unreasonable and potentially dangerous"44 activity for a charitable trust. Under the sub-heading, "Doomsday Predictions" the newspaper commented: "During the drawn-out proceedings in Orphans Courts in the 1970's church lawyers presented experts who made hand-wringing predictions about the fast-growing Holdeen trusts."45 Holdeen's plan was once again under attack - this time from the very Church that had agreed to legitimize it. The UUA's lawyers presented experts to persuade Judge Edmund S. Pawlec that the trusts if allowed to "continue for hundreds of years … would balloon so large that they would sponge up all the money in the world."46 One economist declared "that the trusts would grow so big that 'they [Holdeen’s descendents] would absolutely own the world'."47 Another direly predicted, "Any time you wanted to make a telephone call or take a trip … you would be paying money to the Holdeens. … And everyone in the world would work for the Holdeens'."48 The Holdeen family countered by presenting Gardner Ackley, former chairman of the president's Council of Economic Advisers, as their witness: "Ackley scoffed at the Church's experts. He testified that Holdeen's notion was a good idea."49 Ackley’s testimony was not sufficient to sway the judge’s opinion. Judge Pawlec found Holdeen's plan to be "contrary to public policy".50 In his 1977 opinion Judge Pawlec wrote:

The expressed purpose [of the plan] is so visionary, unreasonable and socially and economically unsound that we must conclude the entire plan is charitably purposeless, contrary to public policy and hence void.51

Two years later the Pennsylvania Supreme Court upheld the Judge's opinion and the Holdeen trusts were broken.52

The portions of incomes from the trusts due to accumulate toward Holdeen’s grand objective of a tax free Pennsylvania was now to be turned over to the UUA. The UUA, which had been invited to participate in Holdeen's long range vision to alleviate the burden of taxation in return for one five-hundredth of the income was now to receive "all the income of the trusts, past and future."53 Janet Holden Adams was still the trustee and was not ready to give up the ghost. It must have been difficult for a daughter to see her father's dream end in this way. She responded by holding back the trust income to the UUA.54 "And she started giving money to other charities. 'Once they broke the trust, I figured, heck', she says by way of explanation. 'I wouldn't give them a nickel if I had a choice'."55

The UUA proceeded to bring lawsuits against Janet Holden Adams that lasted for 20 years. The legal battles could have ended here but unfortunately for Janet Holden Adams, who was now 82, the UUA began accusing her of "mismanagement, self-dealing and fraud … [and] demand[ed] $12 million in damages."56 Adams’ lawyers countered by saying that the trusts under Adams’ care had done very well. Her investment strategy had outperformed the stock averages for Dow Jones and Standard & Poor. "And they earned huge dollops of income – money that was intended to endow Pennsylvania but that has been paid, instead under court order to the church."57

The UUA had been unremitting in its efforts to challenge Janet Holden Adam’s management of the trusts. Their lawyers, no less aggressive, had charged $932,000 by March 1994, to be paid out of the Pennsylvania trusts.58 The Church apparently had been transformed during this process and began behaving as "the IRS had done in the 1940's and 50's and 60's, [sending] accountants to scrutinize the books and records".59 Yet by 1986 the UUA had apparently backed off from their difficult position, with lawyers for the Church telling Judge Pawlec that they were satisfied with the way the trustees had managed the investments.60

Three years later, however, the UUA sent its lawyers out again demanding that the trustees be changed, and Adams resigned in 1989. This did not stop the lawyers for the UUA from summoning her three times to Philadelphia from her home in Pine Plains, New York "for a total of 13 days of depositions in which they have grilled her on the details of 45 years of investments."61 Even the judge was beginning to express concerns about the legal battles in his courtroom. In a conference in 1992, Judge Pawlec called for a limit in some fashion to the burgeoning legal fees, adding, "We have to use some kind of common sense in trying to bring this to a resolution."62 The dispute was finally settled in 1996 without a trial. The UUA became the sole and undisputed distributors of the income from the trust that Jonathan Holdeen had established. By 1996 the UUA had "received $21.9 million [and] the income continues to flow at the rate of $1 million a year".63 The UUA was now in charge, receiving trust income from a bank in Philadelphia.

Listed below are excerpts from six Form 990’s filed with the Department of the Treasury, Internal Revenue Service, by First Union National Bank (as trustees) for the Holdeen Funds and the income received by the UUA for 1999:

                 Fund Number                                 UUA’s Income

                 Holdeen Fund 45-10                                 $258,423

                 Holdeen Fund 50-10                                 $75,128

                 Holdeen Fund 46-10                                 $25,973

                 Holdeen Fund 47-10                                 $933,130

                 Holdeen Fund 54-120                      $61,963

                 Holdeen Fund 55-10                                  $339,00664



                 Total                                                        $1,793,623          

In each of these filings with the IRS the response to the question, ‘Purpose of grant or contribution’ (Part XV 3A) is,

For endowment or other use in aid of maternity, child welfare and educational and migration expenses of natives of India [or Asia] and their descendants.65

The IRS documents provide final confirmation that the Holdeen Funds are inextricably linked to the people of India, their descendants and Asians in general.66 Holdeen India Program (HIP) which operates out of the Washington, DC office is perhaps the least arbitrary of the UUA’s efforts to fulfil its trusteeship. HIP claims, and I have no reason to doubt this claim, to be assisting the most impoverished groups in India in a direct way in areas of greatest need. HIP works through registered voluntary Indian organizations sympathetic to HIP's aims.67 Katherine Sreedhar, Director of HIP, writes, "We are in India to increase people's power, to help them improve their livelihood and their quality of life."68  Some of the groups receiving assistance from HIP:

1.      Self-Employed Women’s Association, a self-governing union founded in 1971 with a current membership of over 30,000. SEWA runs a cooperative bank, a self-funded social security plan, and various income-producing ventures, and has advocated for policy changes for unorganized sectors of society.

2.      Deccan Development Society promotes village self-help through cooperative women’s groups called sangams. Now there are more than 30 sangams which have made over 200,000 rupees available for short-term loans to help support change in farming communities.

3.      Annapurna Mahila Mandal is building a women’s center, and helping secure bank credit for the thousands of women who support themselves by preparing meals for unattached men who left their villages and families to seek work.

4.      Vidhayak Sansad attacks the problem of bonded labor, when a debtor is forced to pay off a landlord’s loan by working exclusively for the landlords. Such people have no right to bargain, strike, or leave; though bonded labor was technically outlawed in 1976, more than 2 million people are still in its thrall. Vidhayak Sansad trains people to seek their freedom, teaches them how to avoid debt, and has developed employment projects for newly freed laborers, displaced tribals, and other ‘untouchables.’

5.      Mahiti helped villagers in a perennially drought-stricken area design and build an innovative rain collection project, so that people and cattle can survive and thrive in areas where disease and fighting over life-saving water was the previous order of the day.

6.      Shakti Shalini's focus is on preventing dowry deaths,69 as well as dowry harassment cases, divorce, and violence against women. A dowry death occurs every 36 hours in New Delhi. Currently, the program offers housing for eight women and their children, as well as legal aid, job training, medical care, child care, counseling, and room and board for up to three months.



Sreedhar informs me71 that these programs which commenced in 1984 are of great benefit to the people who receive the support. Recently the Holdeen India Program scored a coup when the Robert Kennedy Foundation honored Martin Macwan, a Holdeen partner, with its Human Rights award on 21 November 2000.72 In the wake of the recent earthquakes in Gujarat the HIP provided additional support for the victims through their partner organizations. “The UUA Holdeen India Program is providing up to $100,000 in special grants to its partners in Gujarat”.73 All of these are indeed commendable and helpful activities initiated by HIP and paid for by Jonathan Holdeen’s generosity.

There are other interactions that have (based on reports on the World Wide Web on various trips to India) become an issue in this paper because the HIP is frequently mentioned in association with these visits. In these interactions the financial integrity of the UUA and the implications for the Holdeen trusts is less clear. These brief trips74 by UU ministers and related persons to visit HIP related programs in India which, if they had been paid for out of the Holdeen trusts, would create moral concerns of a financial nature since they would be incongruent with Holdeen's sense of frugality and thrift.75

During his presidency of the UUA John A. Buehrens has made frequent references to the various programs supported by the Holdeen trusts: "We've [Denny Davidoff, UUA Moderator?] travelled to India … ; to Belfast for the IARF; and to Beijing for the World Conference on Religion and Peace to talk … about religious freedom and human religions; to the Parliament of World's Religions (Cape Town?) and even to meet the Pope -- …"76  Is it reasonable to assume that the expenditures incurred during these visits come from the Holdeen Funds? If this is so, it is far better that the monies be given directly to the people the UUA are claiming to help.

The UUA has also participated in a number of projects in locations outside the context of the trusts with money from the Holdeen Funds (or Holdeen Designation Trust payments as they are referred to in the Minutes of the UUA).77 The table below is an illustration of the UUA's ‘charitable’ grants from the Holdeen Funds for the year 2000.

Liberal Religious Charitable Society Inc. (LRCS)                        $267,000

International Association of Religious Freedom (IARF)                $160,000

Partner Council Church (PCC)                                                         $60,000

International Council of Unitarian and Universalists (ICUU) $60,000

World Conference on Religion and Peace (WCRP)                       $20,000

Unitarian Union of Northeast India (Khasi Hills)                         $10,00078



The UUA provides brief descriptions of the above organizations through their Office of International Relations headed by the Reverend Holmes.79 The ICUU that received $60,000 was organized in 1995 "to strengthen the worldwide network of Unitarian, Universalist, and UU congregations". According to the Reverend Polly Guild the ICUU was formed in response to the need to provide democratic representation to offshore Unitarian and Universalist congregations and to avoid the perception that the UUA was "engaging in a form of beneficent imperialism".80 In elections held in Hungary the members elected as the President of ICUU the Reverend Jill McAllister of People's Church in Kalamazoo, Michigan, USA. ICUU's offices are in Weston, Massachusetts and the entire Executive Committee is from Europe and the Americas with the Reverend Polly Guild as the Program Coordinator.81

The Partner of Church Council (PCC), which received $60,000, was founded in 1993 "to focus and coordinate the enormous grassroots energy … following the collapse of Communism in December 1989".82 The Council has a web site with information on former Eastern European countries complete with assistance on visa applications and advice for the discerning tourist.83

The WCRP received  $20,000 from the Holdeen trusts and advertises itself as  "an international multi-religious organization dedicated to reaffirming religion's moral commitment to peace and to translating shared concerns into practical, effective action".84 WRCP's has its own very impressive web site and has an institutional structure with thirteen Trustees,85 twenty-four honorary Presidents86 (including John A. Buhrens, President of the UUA), thirty-eight members of what is referred to as a Governing Board,87 and a six member Secretariat.88

The International Association for Religious Freedom, which received $160,000 from the Holdeen trusts, is proclaimed as " a world community of religious organizations that includes 80 member groups in 25 countries".89 Mr. Robert Traer, the outgoing Secretary General, reflecting on his 10 years at the IARF, commented,

The IARF has generally assumed that building relationships between organizations and individuals from different religious traditions is a mark of success, and surely this is a prerequisite for any other positive result. But if these relationships are largely self-serving, then the IARF is more of an interfaith ‘club’ than a service organization. There’s nothing wrong, of course, with enjoying each other’s company but the rhetoric of the IARF promises much more.90

Mr. Traer hits the mark when he suggests that there is a growing school of thought that gives priority to forming ‘clubs’ for ‘building of relationship.’ There is everything wrong, however, if it is paid for with monies that come from the Holdeen Funds, as seems to be the case with not only the IARF but the ICUU, PCC and WRCP too. These organizations led by leaders who should know better are engaging in questionable behavior ethically speaking.

The Liberal Religious Charitable Society (LRCS), which received $267,000, the largest single recipient aside from the funds, is much more of an enigma. LRCS does not have a UU web site. I located three references to LRCS in a cursory search of UUA files on the World Wide Web. There is the already mentioned reference to LRCS in the budget as receiving from the Holdeen trusts $267,000 for the year 2000.91 The other two references to LRCS appear in connection with real estate transactions in Boston's prestigious Beacon Hill neighbourhood, where the UUA is headquartered. In one reference, Lawrence R. Ladd, financial advisor to the UUA, assured the Board of Trustees that the additional debt incurred by the UUA for real estate purchases will be met by the LRCS. Ladd writes that the LRCS has promised “to provide $300,000 a year for two years and $150,000 a year for an additional three years, to help cover costs of this important initiative".92 Form 990 filed with the IRS records that in 1999 the LRCS made a donation of $520,000 to the UUA.93 Is the Board of Trustees of the UUA ‘laundering’ Holdeen Funds to pay down property loans incurred by the UUA? A search on the World Wide Web of non-UU sources disclosed the following information on LRCS. The LRCS is a non-profit organization with a registered office at 61 Thicket Street, South Weymouth, MA 02190 with a mission described as providing religious education in association with the UUA. A visit to this location showed that it was typical house in a small New England town and was listed as the residence of Mr. William A. Donovan who is the Treasurer and Clerk of the LRCS.94

The other officials of LRCS in 1999 were:

President:             William N. Holway, 2645 East 35th. St. Tulsa, OK.

Vice-President:      Dr. Robert Adelman, 1540 Beachwalker, and Amelia, FL

Directors:             Dr. Charles Davidson, 1502 First Ave # 4, and Coralville, IA

                          Mr. Robert E. Senghas, 54 Rivermount Terr. Burlington, VT

                          Judith W. Pickett, 109 Oakview Dr. Kettering, OH.

                          Jerry Gabert, 25 Beacon Street, Boston, MA.

                          Lucia B. Santini Field, 1691 West Street, Wrentham, MA.

                 Carol O. Orts, P.O. Box 9, Colerain, OH.95

Mr. Jerry Gabert is also the Treasurer of the UUA and one of three signatories authorized to individually sign checks up to $5,000 in “a bank account to hold funds associated with the Holdeen India program. This account was opend with BankBoston on July 31, 1998;”.96 Mr. Robert Senghas, a Director at LRCS, is also a UUA Trustee. He requested that it be noted that he abstained from voting in the HIP appropriations for the year 2000 and 2001.97 Mr. Senghas also abstained during a vote to “ratify the action taken by the Treasurer to make a final draw under the 41 Mt. Vernon loan agreement with BankBoston in the amount of $675,062 on September 21, 1998 for completion of the renovation financing, thus increasing the loan amount outstanding to $2,000,000.”98 Mr. Senghas had requested indemnification for “UUA employees and appointed volunteers for their work on behalf of the Association.”99 Are these efforts on Mr. Senghas part to express concern about the manipulation of the Holdeen Funds for illegitimate purposes?

The official documentation shows the UUA continue to claim that the funds are for Indians and Asian migrants and their descendants. Yet the allocation of grants to ICUU, WRCP, IARF and PCC clearly represent a diversion of the funds. The allocation of $267,000 to the LRCS which is than re-funneled into the UUA’s treasury to pay for real estate is, if it is true, a gross injustice.

It is true that the Holdeen India Program spends some of its share of the Holdeen Funds in India but there is no indication on what percentage of the total of approximately $1.7 million received in 1999 is devoted to HIP. The total amount allocated according to the Minutes is $577,000.100 How the majority of the proceeds for year 2000, approximately $1.2 million, is utilized is not properly explained. Certainly there is no evidence of criminal misappropriation of funds or any other illegal activity by individuals. Yet there are many ethical questions that must matter to a religious organization.

Since my efforts to gather information from the UUA on the activities of the Holdeen Fund have not been successful, I can only hazard an educated guess as to what Holdeen would have thought of the airplane travel between India and the United States, not to mention Eastern Europe, Ireland etc. Jonathan Holdeen, despite his great wealth did not own an automobile, broke up packing crates for firewood, and gave himself haircuts rather than pay for them.101 It is not difficult to conclude that he would have frowned on the ‘relationship’ building activities of the ‘clubs’ that receive allocations from the Holdeen Funds.102  

The effort to house a multi-million dollar corporation in small house in a small town in New England, while spending millions on buying and renovating office space in the most prestigious neighborhood in Boston requires some explanation. What is suspected is that it is being funded out of the Holdeen Funds and not from contributions of member churches who will definitely not put up with such philandering under the guise of philanthropy. This type of activity in a charitable organization combined with continued reference to the impoverished people of India by UUA’s public relations machinery on the World Wide Web will in the long run hurt sincere efforts by liberal religious organizations to be a meaningful presence at home and abroad.

Yet Holdeen is dead and his daughter, Janet Adams Holden, has given up on her quest to protect her father’s legacy. The descendants of the natives of India, the first and second generation Indian and Asian immigrants who have been in this country for some years, have not been asked to participate in any concerted effort to join the UUA. (See the chapter on East Indian Immigrants and Unitarian Universalism). The poor in India and elsewhere generally belong to the lowest categories in the pernicious caste and class systems of the world. Their lack of skills in the world of sophisticated legal and financial matters has left them at the mercy of the powerful and privileged in Boston and elsewhere.

Therefore, the matter must finally rest in the hands of what is, after all, a democratically governed association of congregations made up of some of the most ethical and progressive people in the United States. There is no other recourse but to ask the member congregations of the Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations to monitor the activities of their elected and appointed officials. In the absence of responsible oversight by the member congregations of the UUA, the poor peoples of the world are in danger of losing their inheritance, and the Unitarian and Universalists their reputation.

Martin Macwan, the Convenor of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, is also one of five human rights defenders from around the world who received the highest honour at the 2000 Human Rights Watch Annual Dinners on 14 November.

The Christian Aid-backed National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, which began in 1998, brings together concerned individuals and groups working among Dalits, the lowest caste in India. The aim is to dismantle India’s hidden apartheid and create protection for its most vulnerable people, the Dalits, who comprise 160 million of India's one billion population. Every day two low-caste people die as a result of the caste system.

MARTIN CHHOTUBHAL MACWAN, Navsarjan Trust, National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights
Born among the one hundred and sixty million Dalits (formerly "Untouchables") who form the lowest "caste" in India, Martin Chhotubhal Macwan has dedicated his life to improving their fate. By the conversion of his grandfather to Christianity, he had the advantage of being educated in Jesuit schools; an incisive mind and indelible sense of compassion leading him to become an attorney. The primary catalyst was a common sight: witnessing the suffering, beating, poverty and discrimination of the Dalits at the hands of their fellow citizens. Two decades ago he founded The Navsarjan Trust to use his legal knowledge, and that of other fearless attorneys and social workers, to fight for the human rights of the Dalits. Now, in more than two thousand villages, the organization helps supply potable water, correct land reform violations and provide legal aid. Concurrently, Macwan is the Convener of the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, which is working to present its case before the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in South Africa this fall. Martin Macwan argues that concern for the Dalit class is, in fact, a human rights issue. His battle continues in a country where, by law, all citizens are entitled to the same rights, yet millions must endure the suffering of what has been called "India's hidden apartheid."

The Durban dip can cleanse a billion sins

ChandraBhan Prasad

The Ganges is a monumental aqua-guard which has been cleansing Varna souls ever since the advent of their civilisation. A few Varna apologists describe the senseless Ganga dip as an act of "self-criticism", where devotees officially confirm they have committed a sin. Those who do not participate in this bizarre event each year, compensate for it by joining the Maha Kumbh madness. In that sense, every Varna individual is a communist, known for his ritual practice of "self-criticism".

Questions have often been asked of us. For instance: "Tell me Mr Prasad, how do you propose to eradicate caste divisions?" Upon saying, "Read Ambedkar," they insist, "No, please don't be evasive. Tell me now." Then we say, "Gandhiji had a historic opportunity. Had he spoken in the voice Dr Ambedkar used, half of India's problem would have been solved in his lifetime itself, and the rest by now. Or if EMS Namboodripad had decided to declare Charu Majumdar as being India's Mao and worked under his leadership, India would have been a different story today.

Or, if Vajpayeeiji spoke the way Kanshi Ram does or Soniaji spoke Mayawatiji's mind, half of India's social tension would have withered away by now. Or, if the Indian Parliament were to raid the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) Secretariat at Bharani Complex, Secundarabad, confiscate the documents there, own up to them and proceed to Durban telling the world that: "Yes, race and caste are not the same but the implications are similar. In fact, caste-based discriminations are more vicious than those which are race-based. And that India as a nation has decided to eradicate all caste-based discrimination and that we need cooperation and support from the rest of the world." India would then indeed be marching towards a new direction, one which the Dalits have aspired to for ages. But is India prepared to listen to what Dalit heroes have been arguing for? Is Indian society prepared to listen to Dalit icons like Matin Macwan or Paul Divakar?

August 3, 2001, will be thought of as a landmark. The Mumbai-based Sabrang had organised a seminar to solicit public opinion in favour of the Durban conference.

The organisation is headed by Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand, the only couple I have ever met who are great secularists and yet pro-Dalit. The second such combination I can remember comes in the form of Delhi's Nivedita Menon and Aditya Nigam.

This particular seminar had a galaxy of participants: Shabana Azmi, Javed Akhtar, Sitaram Yechuri, Rajdeep Sardesai, Prafulla Bidwai, Rahul Deo, Swami Agnivesh, Martin Macwan, Ramalakshmi, Aditya Nigam, Amit Sengupta, Fr Henry D'Souza, PL Mimroth, Fali S Nariman and others. Although most of them had assembled for secular considerations - to bash the BJP, as if Deve Gowda or Gujral-led third front governments would have supported NCDHR's move - CPI(M)'s Sitaram Yechuri stunned Dalit participants. He first entertained the audience by telling them about the one similarity between himself and Bangaru Laxman: both had betrayed their communities. The audience, however, was unable to figure out how Yechuriji had betrayed the Brahmins as he has never held them responsible for creating the Chaturvarna order and has lost nothing in life. What better stature in life had he thought of than what he enjoys today? On the other hand, in what way did Bangaru betray his community? He was born Dalit and stayed one even after entering the Dwijas' BJP. He became its president, ultimately falling victim to the Varna media. Had he joined the CPI(M), he would have, like most CPI(M) Dalit MPs, remained faceless all his life!

But the mood changed when Yechuri informed the gathering that the CPI(M) had decided to endorse the NCDHR's Durban move. Every right-thinking Dalit must be grateful to the CPI(M) as, barring the BSP, it is the second national party which has taken a favourable stand.

The CPM's stand is important for other reasons as well. In Delhi's cultural/intellectual circles, which includes a few Dalits, word has got around that a Church-based conspiracy is out to malign India, that foreign money was flowing about like the Orissa cyclone.

We all know that science, technology, democracy and modern systems of governance have come from the Christian world of Europe and America. Then, why this Christian bashing? India, right from Nehru's days, has been holding out its begging bowl to foreign countries. But the money brought into the country in the name of development, never reaches the Dalits. Thus, if any money is coming in from abroad to help the Dalit cause, it must be welcomed. Will TATA or Reliance ever give up even one paisa to fight the Varna/Caste order? Then, how will Dalits travel abroad to expose India's Varna order? Is Indian capital benevolent towards the Dalits? By one single act, the CPI(M) has cleansed itself of many sins. Are other Varna parties, too, prepared to take a dip in Durban?

He lost faith, not in the constitution or laws, but lost faith in the Hindus.

Africans are going to descend in India in large numbers - millions roaming the streets at night, in the ghettoes, finding cause with the dalits.

Ah, Sankara,

Anyone on the circuit of Hindu forums knows Sugrutha and she doesn't need any introduction.

You can see for yourself that no one else is questioning, except you!

POLITICS OF DALITISM: creating Dalits among Dalits

By R.Upadhyay

The attempt of some of activists of Dalit movement in India to internationalise the issue in World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) concluded in the first week of September and follow up actions have created an impression that there is something basically wrong in the ideological orientation of the movement.  The word Dalit was coined in post-colonial India by the disciples of Ambedkar.  They did not accept the word Harijan (Men of God) used by Gandhi for the untouchables in Hindu social order because of their aversion against him.  The word Dalit therefore, became the vernacular terminology for the oppressed classes, with a wider connotation for electoral sociology in the democratic polity of the country.  

Mahatma Gandhi & Dr. Ambedkar: If we look to the history of Dalit movement, it is as old as the birth of the concept of untouchability, which was the darkest spot in Hindu social structure.  Though, Hindu reformists tried their best to fight against this social evil right from the days untouchability was born, the real concern over it came to surface during the freedom struggle, when Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. B.R.Ambedkar fought against it in their own way.  While Gandhi wanted complete eradication of untouchability for emotional integration of Hindu society, Ambedkar was for abolition of Varnashram structure of the Hindu social order.  

The conceptual difference between the two messiahs of untouchables continues to affect the Dalit movement even after their death.  While the disciples rejected Mahatma Gandhi for the sake of power and fulfillment of their personal ambitions, Ambedkar became a symbol of Dalit movement.  A clue to understanding Ambedkar lies in his hatred of Gandhi.  The activists of Dalit movement adopted the same philosophy against the upper castes and are still found boiling in the anger generated by their messiah Ambedkar.  Taking advantage of the violent landscape, which started emerging since the closing decades of twentieth century, the followers of Ambedkar adopted the sole agenda to create social disorder and capture power.  In both the situations, the process of social transformation in Hindu society, which took off in positive direction just after independence got disturbed. 

To understand the multi dimensional direction of the Dalit movement, we may briefly look into the difference between Gandhi and Ambedkar on this issue.  During the first Round Table Conference, when Ambedkar favoured the move of the British Government to provide separate electorate for the oppressed classes, Gandhi strongly opposed it on the plea that the move would disintegrate the Hindu society.  He went for an indefinite hunger strike from September 20, 1932 against the decision of the then British Prime Minister J.Ramsay MacDonald granting communal award to the depressed classes in the constitution for governance of British India. 

In view of the mass upsurge generated in the country to save the life of Gandhi, Ambedkar was compelled to soften his stand.  A compromise between the leaders of caste Hindu and the depressed classes was reached on September 24,1932, popularly known as Poona Pact.  The resolution announced in a public meeting on September 25 in Bombay confirmed -" henceforth, amongst Hindus no one shall be regarded as an untouchable by reason of his birth and they will have the same rights in all the social institutions as the other Hindus have".  This landmark resolution in the history of the Dalit movement in India subsequently formed the basis for giving due share to Dalits in the political empowerment of Indian people in a democratic Indian polity.   

Even though Ambedkar was a party to Poona Pact, he was never reconciled to it.  His contempt against Gandhi, which continued even after his assassination on January 30,1948.  On the death of Gandhi he expressed, "My real enemy has gone, thank goodness the eclipse is over".  He equated the assassination of Gandhi with that of Caesar and the remark of Cicero to the messenger - "Tell the Romans, your hour of liberty has come".  He further remarked, "While one regrets the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, one cannot help finding in his heart the echo of the sentiments expressed by Cicero on the assassination of Caesar".  Considering Gandhi as a "positive danger to this country", he quoted from Bible that "sometime good cometh out of evil, so also I think good will come out of the death of Mr. Gandhi" ( Gandhi and Ambedkar - Saviours of Untouchables by Sheshrao Chavan.  Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan publication 2001, page 263-64).  

The reaction of Ambedkar over the death of Gandhi may be viewed as a politics of negation for vengeance against the caste Hindus and also for political power for Dalits.  He felt, "the problem of depressed classes will never be solved unless they get political power in their own hand" (Thus spoke Ambedkar by Bhagwan Das).  He however, did not clarify as to how in a democratic polity of pluralistic society, Dalits would be the sole custodians of power. 

Post Ambedkar Dalit Movement:  The post-Gandhian and post-Ambedkar Dalit activists re-invented the direction of their movement, which was by and large focussed towards developing the negative ideas in a dark room.  They are yet to take the next step to focus their negatives in light for positive prints.  In the absence of a scientific endeavour their movement lags in its march towards social reform, as it has more or less become a platform for the political empowerment of some individuals for their personal ambitions and vested interests.  This is not only against the concept of equalitarian Hindu sociology of Vedic India but also against the concept of democracy.  

The present clash for Dalit leadership has confirmed the theory of C.Rajagopalachari that many Dalit leaders are interested for continuance of the undesirable status of Dalits for the fulfillment of their personal ambitions.  Disagreeing with Ambedkar on Dalits issue he said, "�This is material explanation for the violent dislike of Gandhiji exhibited by Dr. Ambedkar, who looks upon this great and inspired reformer as the enemy of the untouchables, meaning thereby of the educated and ambitious among them who find that the depressed status furnishes short cut to position".( "Ambedkar Refuted"page 33, Hind Kitab Publishers: Bombay 1946)

It may be partially true that political empowerment is key to social and economic empowerment as suggested by Ambedkar but this cannot be the sole criteria for the social equality of Dalits.  The representatives (122 -76 SC and 46 ST in parliament against its strength of 543 and 1085 -556 SC and 529 ST in state assemblies against their strength of 4370) of Dalits in parliament and state assemblies in sizeable strength have been sharing political power for last fifty years.  But if they have failed to bring a desired social change and economic upliftment of Dalits, there is something wrong in the movement, which is yet to be identified.  The students of the constituting history have therefore, a right to know from Dalit activists the reason behind the failure of their representatives sharing political power.

One may be amused to understand that how only160 Dalit delegates under the umbrella of National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights in WCAR would have fought for the cause of Dalits in India if the representatives of Dalits sharing political power could not assert and agitate for the cause of their community? An objective analysis of the prevailing social condition and sentiments in India may corroborate the theory of C.Rajagopalachari that Dalit movement has become a vehicle to promote the personal interest of some individuals or groups.

The Dalits despite empowerment are not a political force � why?:  In the absence of an All India mind with a cohesive and unified perspective, Dalit movement has also failed to emerge as a strong political force.  Dalits are divided into hundreds of castes and sub-castes.  About 56 percent of Dalit population belong to about 20 dominant castes among them.  These dominant castes are presently grabbing all the privileges provided to the Dalits constitutionally.  Even Dr.Ambedkar failed to give an intellectual explanation to unify them together, as a result, his political influence during his life time also remained confined to only Mahar caste of his community in the Maharashtra region.

Dalit activists, due to lack of actual ideological direction are not clear whether they are interested to ensure the material prosperity of Dalits or equal status in Hindu social order.  Untouchability has almost disappeared, as touch of Dalit is no more considered to have any polluting affect on caste Hindus.  However, so long the Dalits enjoy the benefits of reservation in Government jobs and admission in academic institutions, they may have to bear the stigma of being considered unequal in merit to the caste Hindus.  The objective of Dalit movements should be therefore, to erase such stigma, which is possible only if Dalits get a chance for their proper education befitting to the standard required for competitions. 

Vested interests in Command:  Contrary to the objective of the movement discussed above, the managers of Dalit movement due to their vested interest do not want their people to be cleansed from the stigma of reservation and the agony of their past humiliation of being treated as untouchables.  In stead of fighting for transformation of the Hindu social order, they are found more interested to promote themselves as Esperanto of United Nations politics.   With weapon of hate, they are neither able to fight against the social inequality and injustice effectively nor in a position to contribute any significant social change.  

In stead of looking on the growing consciousness among the educated caste Hindus against the social evil of caste discrimination against Dalits and appreciating this positive change, the Dalit activists ignore and understate the development.  Their sole aim is now pointed towards personal ambitions at the cost of their community.  This has created a new class of Brahmins among the Dalits, who are now exploiting the actual Dalits by grabbing the benefits meant for the latter.  This may look like a paradox, but it is the hard reality.

The on going Dalit movement is gradually losing its track.  Its multi-dimensional character based on the philosophy of love and hate is unfortunately turned into political theocracy, which is contrary to the basic concept of the total transformation of Hindu social order.  Inciting the Dalits against the caste Hindus for historical agony without any honest effort for their emotional integration with rest of the Hindu social order is neither in the interest of this disadvantaged section of population nor in the interest of the nation.

The shrinking influence of the so called Brahminsm in electoral politics, social transformation, spiritual movement, or even other public affairs are enough indications of gradual changes in Hindu sociology.  Dalit movements with a view to create social disorder by promoting caste hatred against the upper castes of ancient Varnashram system will simply halt the process of the on going social transformation.  With their political empowerment by occupying the post of President, Union Cabinet ministers, Chief ministers, and bureaucrats, Dalits are gradually getting more opportunities for achieving social empowerment under democratic process.  By gaining more confidence, Dalits are now found to be quite assertive of their rights.  This however, does not mean that they have been acceptable in community dining or inter-caste marriage, which is not even prevalent within the various Dalit castes.  

The objective of any social reform movement is to ensure a peaceful, decent and dignified life for every body without any social confrontation.  But, unfortunately the Dalit activists are so obsessed and possessive in their approach towards the historical agony of their community that they have made the latter as prisoners of Dalitism, which hardly has any constructive plan for creation of a just social order.  Their slogan for abolition of Varnashram (professional units) system and total abolition of caste is an utopian concept, which will never take root in the diverse and pluralistic Indian society.

Casteism is the bane of Indian society but the Indian people accept caste as a hard reality.  Even the Christians and Muslims boast themselves of their upper caste heritage.  In South India even Christians are maintaining visible distance from the Dalit Chritians as the latter continue to have separate church, separate burial ground and even separate places for social interactions.  Similarly, even Muslims in India and Pakistan there is no inter- caste marriage among the Sheiks, Syed, Paithan and others because of their upper caste heritage before conversion.

The three Dalits groups and their separate agenda:  As far as the present Dalit movement is concerned, it is in the hands of three vested interest groups of Dalit politicians, Dalt writers and Chrisian missionaries.  Dalit political leaders like Kansi Ram and Ms Mayawati of Bahujan Samaj Party and Ram Vilas Paswan of Lok Jana Shakti are having their influence exclusively among the members of their own community.  They can never come to power on their own due to their limited influence among the voters.  For coming to power they are compelled to join some other parties dominated by caste Hindus.  They are therefore, hardly in a position to bring any social change.

The second group, which claims to be the champion for the cause of Dalits is of Dalit writers.  Their personal ambition and ego have kept them away from the common Dalits, who are illiterate and poor.  They are more interested in their self-promotion than serving the cause of their community.  Their possessiveness is often mistaken as love for Dalits.  Since they do not get enough space in media to spit venom against the caste Hindus and are hardly in a position to play an effective role in electoral politics, they are always in search of the forces through which they could get national and international recognition.  They have therefore, joined hand with forces (third group) determined to disintegrate the Hindu society.

The interest of the third group in Dalit movement is to de-Hinduise the Dalits and promote their proselytisational endeavour.  The argument of this group that Christian society does not have any caste discrimination is not based on ground reality.  The Dalit Christians are facing the problem of caste discrimination even in Christian society.  Such discrimination is prevalent in Kerala even after the death of Dalit Christians, whose corpses do not find any place in the cemetery meant for upper caste convert Christians. T.V.Rajshekhar, a Dalit writer, while speaking in a seminar (Church and Dalit) organised by Christian leaders in Madras on June 14, 1986 said that Dalit Christians form about 80 percent Christian population in India but contrary to what Jesus Christ preached, the Dalit Christians are also the victim of caste discrimination as they have separate burial ground, separate churches and separate dwelling places.

Ever since the promulgation of presidential order No 19 of 1950 debarring the Dalits of non-Hindu and non-Sikh community to be included in the list of Scheduled castes, the Christian missionaries have been facing difficulty in alluring the Hindu Dalits for their conversion.  For this they have already launched a movement for constitutional privileges for Dalit Christians.  If they succeed in alienating the Dalits from Hindu social order, the entire Dalit community will get the benefit of constitutional provisions and it will help them in their mission for proselytisation.  

Indian Social Institute(ISI), a Roman Catholic Mission outfit organised a meeting on "Durban and Dalit Discourse: Post Durban Scenario" on September 20.  The meeting was organised with a view to forming a "broad alliance of disadvantaged section of society to battle the status quo that would prefer to keep them on the periphery of the country's social structure" (Hindu dated September 24).  The move of the institute is to internationalise the issue.  Had it not been so, it should first cleanse the Christian society in Kerala.  In fact the Christian missionaries are also facing a dilemma of the isolation of Dalits from the affluent sections of the community.  Dr. Prakash Luis, Executive Director of ISI said, "There is a sense of vertical divide within the community between the socially mobile 'Brahmanical Dalits' and the real Dalits among Dalits".

Conclusion: In the backdrop of the dialectics of Dalit movements, it appears that the Dalits have now become the victims of the politics of Dalitism being played by various groups.  Instead of fighting the evils of caste discrimination in Hindu society, the Dalit movement has given birth to neo Dalitism, which hardly has any difference with the polluted Brahmanism.

The movement, which does not have the ingredients to bring about reconciliation among conflicting social groups and fails to accelerate the process of social harmony and human dignity, is bound to lose real direction.  Dalits should therefore be very careful about the politics of Dalitism being played by vested interests not only at the cost of the disadvantaged community but also at the cost of social harmony, which is more dangerous for the nation.

(The analysis in the paper is based on the personal perception of the writer.  E-mail: ramashray60@yahoo.com)

As a non "bhoomiputra", I am sure you are enjoying the discrimination in Malaysia.

discrimination in Malaysia.

That's why he is creating his own fiction without knowing ground reality. Somehow he wants to link with other so called discriminated populace, if they don't exist, well he is creating one and feel sympathetic with them and blaming others.

He refused to answer my questions.


Level of discrimination in Malaysian is very high. Skin color does matter in that part of world. It’s very difficult for Indians (Sri Lanka, Indian, and Bangladesh) to get promoted or to get good jobs. One won't be surprised if shopkeeper refuses to show material coz color of skin or origin of individual.

Any internal problems with Hinduism we can solve amongst ourselves, but if someone keeps engaging in constant unreasonable criticism especially using traditional Chrisitian/ Muslim propaganda, then they are part of the enemy even if they call themselves Hindu

Selective anecdotes? Indian govt statistics on caste crimes, their discussions in parliament, further laws, discussions in conferences and seminars participated by govt ministers, as well as UN conferences and social indices speaks enough, don’t you think. Those stats were published by the NDA govt!!

Colored perspective on social reality? You are a social scientist - but have you covered India? Have you studied Indians laws that outlawed caste, and why such laws are necessary in India but not in most other nations. Give me an example of such laws, say, in UK, Thailand, Kenya.

I am Malaysian and have never been to Sri Lanka.

To have a true appreciation for what you claim, feel free to share: name of the place, pictures if possible, the number of people who will benefit from this temple, the obstacles you all faced, how you overcame or plan to overcome those obstacles etc. Also how strong is their belief about or this upanayanam a token head bath a la Baptism? See if you can answer these questions as I'd really like to know.

So i ask that we do not use the argument that a Hindu lives elsewhwere and has therefore no right to comment on Indian conditions. It is one of my aims in IF to underline all that is unifying in the weltanschuung (Darshana) of the Hindus. It is unfortunate that lately Pathma has chosen to emphasize issues that divide rather than Unify.

RSS Chief KS Sudarshan on Wednesday made a scathing attack on the new Pope accusing him of "religious intolerance" and said such mindset leads to conflicts.

He also accused US President George Bush of funding missionaries in India.

Recalling the millennium peace summit of 2000 in New York where 1100 representatives from different faiths signed a document that there should be no bloodshed in the name of religions as they were different routes to one God, he said, Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger held a press conference shortly thereafter at the Vatican and released a 36 page doctrine 'Dominus Jesus'.

"The doctrine objected to anyone trying to bring their religion at par with the Roman Catholic church and described it as crossing limits of tolerance.

It said non-Christians cannot get salvation as they don't consider Jesus Christ as the son of God and even non-Catholics would find it difficult to get salvation as they don't consider the Pope as their head", Sudarshan said at a function to mark the second anniversary of devotional television channel Sadhana.

"Such mindset that we are superior to others leads to conflict (Sangharsh),", he said.

The RSS chief alleged that President Bush was trying to propagate Christianity at Government expense.

"Through an executive order, Bush, who is a re-born Christian, gave tax rebate of 80 billion dollars to Christian missionaries in 2002 and set up a special two billion dollar fund for Africa and India, which can be utilised without any question being asked," Sudarshan said.

He also alleged that Christian evangelists Pat Robertson and Billy Graham, who were close to Bush, wanted to convert both India and China to Christianity.

Alleging that a survey project 'Joshua -I' was carried out between 1991-2001 to identify the requirement of Churches in every village and town of India, he said, "CIA also helped in that project and money is pouring in to separate Dalits from Hindus and divide the majority community".

It was fun tosee a batch of orthodox vegetarian ladies standing next to a basket of fresh catch fish and the "avarna" fisherman."

Dalit Diaspora Joins The Fight

By Vivek Kumar

The Indian Express
24 May, 2003

The Dalit diaspora has all of a sudden become visible. Yet another Dalit international conference was successfully concluded earlier this month in Vancouver, Canada, with the help of the Dalit diaspora in different parts of the world. This is the fourth such conference organised since 1998. The first one was organised in Malaysia, by the Dalit International Organisation in October 1998. It was followed by a two-day international conference on Dalit human rights in London in September 2000 by the Voice of Dalit International (VODI). VODI organised another International Dalit conference in India in February 2003. Besides, Dalits also participated in the World Conference Against Racism in Durban.

Three factors have contributed to the new visibility of the Dalit diaspora. One, increased communication facilities because of the information revolution. Log on to www.ambedkar.org, webmaster@ gururavidasssabha.org etc. and you can find out all about them. Two, the strengthening of civil society, with NGOs, both at the international and national level, taking keen interest in issues related to Dalits and other marginalised sections. And lastly, the intervention of the United Nations Human Rights Commission, World Bank, and other international and national institutions for maintenance of human rights of Dalit and other deprived sections. Based on the issues discussed in these Dalit international conferences, it is possible to arrive at an objective assessment of the present nature, scope, success and failure of the Dalit movement. We can also list the challenges faced by the Dalit movement in the 21st century.

Faced with atrocities within the Hindu social order, at the outset, Dalits in India face a challenge: Should they remain within the Hindu fold or convert to Buddhisim or to any other religion? The Dalit leadership has failed to give any clear cut direction to its followers. Further, the Dalit movement today faces a challenge from the communal forces, an issue on which these conferences have only voiced their concern without coming out with a strategy. The second challenge for the Dalits is how to face the onslaught of the processes of globalisation, privatisation, liberalisation etc. The rolling back of the state is making reservations for the Dalits under Article 335 of the Indian Constitution redundant. On the other hand, with the coming of MNCs, the demand for management, engineering, computer application degree holders is increasing, which Dalits can’t cater to. One, because they are late starters in the realm of education and secondly, technical education is expensive which Dalits can’t afford.

There are two paths suggested by the Dalits to tackle the aforesaid problem. One, capture political power by forming an independent party and implement your own agenda. This is being mooted on the basis that the Constitution gives the Dalits rights at par with other citizens, including the right to vote. The only effort which Dalits must make is to get these rights implemented in letter and spirit, which is possible only by forming a government. But the irony is that Dalits on their own do not have the numbers to form a government. So they must enter into alliances with some other political force. And it is difficult for them to find suitable allies.

The other path is that of diversity-supplier in recruitment. Recruitment diversity, which is now restricted to the government and public undertakings, will arguably extend into the private sector. Here, one can argue that if the rights enshrined in the Constitution were not fulfilled in the last 52 years, who can take the guarantee for the private sector?

How to bring the diverse facets of the Dalit movement into a state of dialogue is another challenge. Today the Dalit movement has diversified its nature and scope. There is the Dalit political and socio-religious reform movement, movement of Dalit bureaucracy, Dalit intellectual movement, which includes a number of magazines, journals, internet magazines and conferences etc. Today we also have international Dalit organisations led by the Dalit diaspora which are trying to raise issues confronting the Dalits. They have taken up matters concerning Dalits with the World Bank, IMF and UNHRC.

Another challenge for the Dalit movement is to bring Dalit women in its fold. Generally it is said that though the Dalit woman is triply exploited on the bases of caste, class and gender, yet she enjoys greater gender equality in comparison to women of other castes. Even so, Dalit women and their issues are absent from the Dalit movement. To spread the Dalit movement in regions like Orissa, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, West Bengal, Bihar, and create consciousness among the different castes other than the Mahars and Chamars, is another huge challenge confronting the Dalit movement. The international conferences have been successful in creating a greater visibility for the plight of the Dalits at the international level. Yet, unless the Dalit leadership is prepared to face the challenges faced by the Dalit movement back home, its development will be crippled.

A critical look at Dalit activism

Hindu 12-01-1999 :: Pg: 12 :: Col: c

By Gopal Guru

In recent years, the political radicalism of the Dalits has come to be defined in terms of two major modes. One is that they have shown a remarkable consistency in opposing both in elections and in the streets the Hindutva forces. Two, their politics is considered radical because of their constant efforts at empowering themselves by sharing power with others. It is particularly true in the case of the Dalits of Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and the southern States that they have been consistent in taking an un-compromising positions against the Hindutva forces. The anti-Hindutva feeling among the Dalits is so strong that they do not tolerate their own leaders who hobnob with these forces either directly or indirectly. Such leaders who took an ambiguous position vis-a-vis the Sena-BJP Government in Maharashtra and remained quite callous about the killing of the Dalits in police firing in Mumbai in July last year were assaulted. The political radicalism is also being defined in terms of the Dalits' bargaining power that no political party can ignore in parliamentary politics in the country. This is true in Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh where the Dalits seem politically organised outside the influence of the mainstream parties. Thus political autonomy is treated as another dimension of this radicalism by certain Dalit political leaders from these two States.

The scenario might be true in a sense, but this kind of reading of the Dalits' activism offers a narrow and uni-dimensional notion of their political radicalism. For it does not tackle the structures of oppression and discrimination that exist within the Dalit situation. For example, Dalits activism in Maharashtra is politically blind to the social practices such as Dalit patriarchy, which seeks to oppress, torture, humiliate and marginalise its womenfolk. This patriarchy in Maharashtra, and even in the entire country, reproduces the upper caste tradition of dowry which commodifies women even from landless Dalit families. The dowry system, which was almost non-existent among the Dalits two decades ago, has now become a serious problem particularly in Maharashtra. Poor parents who cannot afford to give dowry are reported to be ``selling'' their girls outside the State, and those who cannot be sold or married off are ultimately left to be tortured by parents and by the Dalit community, which arrogates to itself the right to ensure the chastity and fidelity of its women. Interestingly, this issue did not find prominence in the recently-held Dalit women's conferences in the State.

Apart from the gender insensitivity among common Dalits, their leaders and even Dalit feminists in Maharashtra, the notion of purity and pollution has deeply divided the community both vertically and horizontally. Vertically, for example, this notion has made the Charmakar (leather worker) despise the Mahar- Buddhists who, in turn, despise the Matangs who are treated as inferior in the social hierarchy not only in Maharashtra but also elsewhere. At the horizontal level, the Buddhists are socially divided among themselves. And the social division prevails in protecting the kinship boundaries. The kinship network that maintains the social distance among the Buddhists operates through marriage practices and other rituals in Maharashtra. But the Buddhists, who are socio-culturally divided, are politically united against the Hindutva forces.

The question one has to raise is why the Dalit leaders avoid addressing themselves to the question of internal critique. How does one understand such incoherent behaviour among the Dalits? In other words, why does this bizarre consciousness which represents their intellectual crisis waver between the conservative and radical modes? There are several reasons that help us understand this. The first and foremost is the threat of the Shiv Sena-BJP dominating their thought and action. This political immediacy dominates the cognitive map of Dalit politics, thus leaving out the question of confronting the oppressive patriarchy.

Moreover, the common Dalits do not undertake the painful exercise of internal critique as it undermines their power of patriarchy. This logical incoherence conforms to the political expectations of the Dalit leaders, who deliberately insulate the private sphere of the common Dalit from public criticism so that they can fill the common Dalit consciousness with emotion and manipulate the community. Their effort to maintain the distinction between the private or social and the political life of the Dalits, in effect, denies the common Dalit consciousness the critical edge that seeks to interrogate both the internal structures of manipulation and the external structures of domination. It is due to this compulsion that the common Dalits refuse to find a new political alternative and choose to pursue their recalcitrant leaders.

It is this curious relationship between the leaders and the led that explains the limits of Dalit politics in Maharashtra. Thus it is ``faith'' rather than reason that determines Dalit politics. It makes the common Dalits more dependent on their leaders and prevents them from launching any decisive attack on erring leaders. In such kind of politics where faith dominates reason, any kind of argument against the leaders becomes futile.

In fact, the leaders and their cadre take extra care to create the ``community of the faithful'' among the Dalits by reinvoking the importance of hero worship and the myth of charismatic qualities of particular Dali leaders. The common Dalits feel that they cannot provide a more competent and sophisticated argument than what their leaders do. The leaders perpetuate this servile attitude by deliberately using an abstract language. This construction of an elite image works everywhere in Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh and creates a rather degrading dependence, which necessarily denies both dignity and critical faculty to the thinking of the Dalits.

This lack of enlightenment among the Dalits leads to the legitimisation of Dalit politics which has become self-limiting as it eludes the question of Dalit emancipation. It also makes the Dalits willing partners in supporting their political leaders who lack an ability to offer an alternative vision of politics.

In this regard, it is important to offer a critical comment on the contemporary Dalit feminism in Maharashtra. The Dalit leaders in the State fail to articulate gender equality and are in no mood to confront the Dalit patriarchy.

The Dalit feminist confidence in such a leadership appears misplaced, if not misleading. However, a few feminists have maintained their distance from such leadership.

How can the Dalit leaders feel empowered when they feed on the political passivity of their common people on the issue of internal critique? The lack of internal critique also robs Dalit politics of its universal character of reaching out independently to other oppressed sections which are also in need of a fresh grass roots initiative entailing a new vision of the world based on the concept of truth.

Contemporary Dalit politics, therefore, seeks a definite political departure from Ambedkar, not realising or deliberately avoiding the need for an internal critique. Ambedkar, on the one hand, criticised the communists and the Congress leadership for their sociological blindness to an internal critique of the Hindu social order and, on the other, condemned the Hindu nationalists, who ridiculed and then opposed the need for any internal critique.

This kind of externally-looking Dailt politics, instead of providing a creative context for activism, becomes supplementary to the politics of hegemonic faces in one way or the other.

(The writer is Mahatma Gandhi Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Pune).

An interview with CHANDRA BHAN PRASAD

Chandra Bhan Prasad is perhaps India's only dalit who gets to write a weekly column in a mainstream English newspaper, Pioneer. He also runs the Dalit Siksha Andolan and has emerged as one of the key spokespersons of the dalit movement in India. Chandra Bhan lives with his wife, Meera, in Delhi. Here, in this exhaustive interview, the intellectual shares his views with Siriyavan Anand, journalist-activist, on a wide range of issues that concern the dalit movement in India today. Anand is currently anthropologically examining brahmans and brahmanism having been born one. He is associated with Dalit Media Network, Chennai. The interview was conducted in the last week of February 2001; 30-plus questions were emailed and Chandra Bhan Prasad said he took four days to reply. (Please mail feedback to ands@ambedkar.org and meera5@vsnl.com)

SIRIYAVAN ANAND: How does it feel to be (perhaps) the sole English language dalit journalist in the country?

CHANDRA BHAN PRASAD: No. I am not a journalist in the classic sense of the term. I am at best a researcher, and an activist. But I write in the mainstream media. The column [Dalit Diary] in the English Daily, 'Pioneer', a paper now 137 years old which originated from Lucknow, is translated and used by the Telugu daily, 'Vaartha', and is the first Dalit column... so people tend to think that I am a journalist.

Yes, since I am the first and the only Dalit columnist in the English language press, I feel self-conscious and burdened with responsibilities — from a population of over 20.5 crore Dalits, which is more than the combined population of France, the UK and Germany, only one regular commentator in the Indian mainstream media. There is more to be researched, more to be commented upon, but a single-man army?

How did you come to be what you are now? Tell us about your childhood formation, your education, your politicisation... some definitive private and public moments that shaped your consciousness.

I was born in a sleepy village of district Azamgarh, east Uttar Pradesh, in September 1958. Both my parents were illiterate, but had sufficient agricultural land. From the history we know, the family was, by Dalit standards, economically well-to-do. My grandfather was a Police-Station Chaukidar who had six other brothers... most of them, you may describe as Social Rebels or Social Bandits.

My father was a wrestler, an acrobat, and an expert at the game of Lathi. He had three brothers. Two of them, after beating up landlords, had fled to Rangoon in early 1930s. They got some government job there, and had the first experience with currency. My father too had joined them, but that was the beginning of the World War II. Barring the eldest uncle at home, my father and two of his senior brothers joined Indian National Army. But they had to flee Burma after the Hiroshima bombing.

With the money they had earned in Rangoon, they built a huge house in 1935, and later bought land. Ours was the first brick-house [in the village], and when it was being built the local Zamindar had come requesting us to keep the height of the walls/roof below that of his own house. Since my father and uncles were musclemen, and going by family tradition — where each social snub was responded to violently — they raised the foundation even higher.

They all ensured education for their children, and the son of my eldest uncle became a postal clerk as early as in 1952. In my childhood, when I was probably in lower primary, say Class-II, I met with a serious accident, but survived. When I was in Class VI, my elder brother, who was the first child of my parents [I was the last, after three sisters], became a Sub-Inspector. He is now a Deputy SP posted in Lucknow, due to retire next month. Thus, I was extremely fortunate in the sense that my entire childhood, and youth, did not see poverty. Because of a sound economic background, I had the opportunity to study in JNU, where I did my MA in International Politics, MPhil on 'China's Technology Acquisition in the Post-Mao Era', and had enrolled for a Ph.D. project to study the 'Development of Science in Communist China'.

I have a CPI[ML] past in politics. I did my graduation in a college situated one km from our village... say, in my village college. In 1977, when I was in first year BA, Students Union elections were to take place. The upper castes and OBCs were against any Dalit standing for any of the posts. They had even thrown a challenge. I was very upset upon hearing this, and narrated the matter back home. My Dalit friends asked me to take up the challenge.

One of my cousins, who had secretly joined the CPI[ML], encouraged me to contest. And I decided to contest. The news spread like a wild fire. The CPI[ML] brother gathered his own armed squad, supported by the Dalits of the area, and I filed the nomination. I won, and my opponents lost deposits. I received great support from the girl students, most of them belonging to the upper castes, for two reasons. First, my niece was a BA final year student, so she could muster great support. Second, most my opponents were lumpen elements, who were disliked by the girl students. So they decided to back me. Some upper caste friends, afraid of an OBC onslaught, too supported me. Meanwhile, another cousin brother of mine, who was an Engineering student, too had joined CPI[ML]. There were lots of confrontations, and the CPI[ML] movement was gaining ground. I too joined the party. Thus, before coming to JNU, I was deeply involved with the CPI[ML] movement.

In JNU too, I continued with radical politics, but I was always fascinated by Dr Ambedkar. In JNU, I had the opportunity to read Ambedkar, and thus began arguing with my Comrades. There was already an SC/ST Students Welfare Association, in which I became active, and later became its Vice-President. My CPI[ML] comrades were supportive of the issues we were taking up, but never agreed with Dr Ambedkar's philosophy.

In the May 1983 JNU movement, I was at the forefront. In the movement, we were arrested. Some 600 JNU students, including some 200 women students, were put in Delhi's Tihar Jail. JNU was closed sine die, and no admissions took place for the 1983-84 academic session. An inquiry commission, headed by a retired High Court Judge, was instituted to probe the incidents of the May 1983 movement. Along with about 40 students, I too was rusticated for two years, in two cases. Like about a dozen students, I too didn't submit an apology. After rustication, we were given an option: either apologize and give an undertaking that we would not involve ourselves in any movement on the campus, or face action and vacate the university premises. Most [students] had apologized.

For three yeas, 1983-1987, I worked as a full-timer for CPI[ML] in UP. During that period, I thought that I was wasting my energy — I argued with my leaders why they were all the time against the Indian State, which is the only place where Dalits get some relief, and, in what way is Dr. Ambedkar less radical than Karl Marx? It was indeed amazing to hear them dismissing the Varna/Caste nature of society as a NON-FACTOR in Indian society. They didn't agree with me, and I got disillusioned, left the movement, came back to JNU, completed my MPhil, and enrolled for PhD.

But, during my three full-time CPI[ML] years, I had firsthand experience of revisiting the countryside. The pathetic condition of the average Dalit always haunted my mind. While I was back in JNU, I had no peace inside me. And then came Mandal. I was very skeptical about strengthening OBCs, upper segment in particular. I had seen them occupying the aggressive space being vacated by Dwijas from rural India. But, the anti-Mandal agitation had begun questioning Dalits' reservation as well. Then we jumped into, rather initiated, the pro-Mandal agitation in JNU, and Delhi. Dalits all over India supported the pro-Mandal agitation; in most cases, the Dalits were at the forefront.

I was restless within, and thus launched Dalit Shiksha Andolan in 1991. It spread in UP. Almost in each district. But then I thought by merely restricting the movement to scholarship and literacy-related issues, issues are not going to be resolved. The bigger question was about the model of development pursued so far, about changes taking place since 1950, and about history itself. And about Ideology. I sat down in Delhi, and began exploring all these...

Could you identify the central issues facing dalits today? Is it possible to see the dalit movement in a national/ pan-Indian sort of way at all, say like the hindutva movement?

Central question? We all know: land, quality education for all Dalits, democratisation of KNOWLEDGE, and public institutions including media, democratization of the capital, redefining democracy, etc. Unless English-speaking Dalits take up the Dalit movement as their profession, a pan-Indian Dalit movement will remain a dream.

Is it a strength or weakness of the dalit movement that there does not seem to be a pan-indian dalit consciousness, a national dalit political leadership? Do you think this is necessary or will it emerge/happen in the future? Other than Ambedkar the dalits do not seem to agree upon anyone as a leader/icon...

There is a pan-India Dalit consciousness — Dalits everywhere, illiterate or educated, hate the Chatur-Varna order; they want a change, want a democratic and egalitarian social order. But, it has to take an organized form, and that has not happened. That is a big weakness. Since there is no pan-India Dalit movement, there is no all India Dalit leadership. Kanshi Ram is there [BSP, UP], Dr Krishnaswamy [Puthiya Tamilagam, Tamilnadu] is there, but they need to transcend their boundaries.

How do you view the BAMCEF-BSP growth and subsequent developments in UP, Punjab and other neighbouring areas? Why does the Kanshi Ram-Mayawati duo seem to have not lived up to its promise? What next in UP, and what bearing/ lessons would that have for young dalit political parties that have come up in other states?

The creation of BAMCEF was a great, wonderful thing to happen. The BSP sprung from BAMCEF. Though BAMCEF elaborated the theory of BAHUJANWAD [the idea of the oppressed majority of 85% coming together], when BSP started practising politics, it attracted Dalits alone. Then and there BSP should have dropped Bahujanwad, and must have spoken of a Dalit movement. After Mayawati was attacked by the Shudras, the BSP should have realised that Shudras are the Dalits' prime opponents in rural India. No new Dalit party can now grow unless it talks of the Dalit movement and raises central questions haunting the community.

Ambedkar did say that capturing political power was important; but there does not seem to be any cultural-social agenda that dalit leaders/ parties seem to have evolved...

Political power is the master key which can open all the locks. That is what Ambedkar said, and this remains true even today. But without capturing political power, he did wonders. This, the Dalit leadership must realise — they must bring immediate benefits to the community, and create an articulate middle class and elite within the community which can handle political power. There is already a socio-cultural agenda, but that is yet to be theorized.

When the blacks in the US started asserting themselves (Black Power) and fought discrimination, it was accompanied by a renaissance in the cultural realm — art, literature, music... What similarities and differences do you see between the various black consciousness movements and the dalit movement here?

There are lots of similarities between Dalits' and Blacks' positioning in their respective societies. But there is marked difference between the conscience of the oppressors — here in India, the most radical NON-DALIT will be less progressive than the most conservative White in America. As you can see in my recent series on Affirmative Actions in America in the 'Pioneer' on Sundays, there in America, White society is talking of Democratizing Capital, and Affirmative Actions in ART, LITERATURE, TV, FILM etc. Is any Varna-Indian [caste hindu] talking of such things?

Early on, the US blacks put in place an institution like the NAACP (National Association for Advancement for Coloured People), had black churches, opened black schools and colleges and saw the need to rally around as a community... they even went on to have black-centred media, publishing, created distinct musical genres... even in terms of religion, there was/is the Nation of Islam. Do you think we need such efforts here? Are similar things possible, desirable in the dalit context? What about a National Association for Advancement of Dalit People to start with?

See, the NAACP had Whites too. If it happens in India, very good. It should happen. Unless there is Dalit bourgeoisie in India, there cannot be any effective alternative Dalit media, etc. You know, there are Black billionaires, several hundred Black millionaires in US, several hundred Black companies are publicly trading in America. In India, if things happen at the present rate, it may take another century for a Dalit to emerge as a billionaire!

Do you think we can compare race and caste-based disabilities? Is not what happens to dalits, especially in villages, a form of apartheid?

Yes, you are right.

Of late, efforts to get world bodies such as the United Nations to recognise caste as a source of discrimination (like race, gender) have had some success... How important are such moves for dalits in the country? Would such pressure finally matter? Can we get foreign nations to slap sanctions on India over the issue of casteism, especially as it relates to dalits?

This is a wonderful effort. Some NGOs are doing fantastic work in this direction. But, I think, unless Dalits themselves become organized enough to boycott the products of some companies, it will a very difficult task to get foreign nations slapping sanction on India. But this does not mean that we must not work in this direction.

A major drawback of the dalit movement has been the lack of visibility of dalit women's voices. In mainstream politics we have of course Mayawati, but in terms of intellectuals, academics, opinion-makers we hardly hear them... This of course is related to the larger problem of the invisibilising of dalitist ideas by savarnas; yet, don't you think the dalit movement should be simultaneously alive to the problem of dalit patriarchy? Should we not make conscious efforts to evolve a dalit-feminist praxis instead of postponing the issue of dalit women's liberation?

It is true that the Dalit movements have not given importance to the gender question. This has created roadblocks in the Dalit movements. But, I believe, it is not a conscious decision on the part of Dalit leadership to suppers the gender question. You see, unless there evolves an articulate middle class within Dalits, the gender question will remain a minor issue.

What is your opinion on 'hinduism', not just the hindutva variety, but... all types?

The overemphasis on 'Hinduism' or 'Hindutva' is dangerous. The moment you debate on the plank of 'Hindu' religiosity, the focus of the Dalit movement gets shifted, and in that case, instead of a Dalit raising a Dalit agenda, he is led to raise agenda of secularism, a ploy drafted by erstwhile Dvijas, who have converted to Christianity or Islam. To my mind, every so-called Hindu is 'Hindu' later; by his/her Varna/Caste a Brahman is a first a Brahman, loyalty to his community comes first. The same holds good for Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Kammas, Reddies, Thevars, Chettiyars etc. No classical Hindu text knows the term 'HINDUTVA'. Thus, the issue is the annihilation of the Chatur-Varna Order, its system of privileges and discriminations. The upper-caste converted Minorities are trying to bluff Dalits by raising the bogey of 'Hinduism'.

Do we need to distinguish between 'good hindus' who dissociate themselves from the BJP-RSS-VHP brand of hinduism? Or are these 'good hindus' (who practise caste discreetly) more dangerous than the hindutva type?

A so-called Hindu is only bad. 'Hindus' cannot be good. When did the RSS/BJP/VHP etc. come into being? In the 20th century. Isn't it? But, what was society before that? Was it less cruel? Were not Dalits made to hang an earthen pot to their neck if they had to spit? Life then was worse than it was for animals. But, the so-called non-hindutva 'Hindus' glorify that period.

What do you think about the brahmanism/ hinduism of the communists?

Christianity didn't have the Varna Order, and nor did Islam. Both the religious system came to India with many good virtues, but the Chatur-Varna Order corrupted them. Similarly, Communism came with wonderful notions of equality, but the Chatur-Varna Order corrupted Communism as well. As recent history shows, the two organised groups — RSS and Communists — are more hostile to Ambedkarism than anybody else. In fact, between RSS and CPI-CPI[M], the latter are more dangerous as they don't believe in debate. You can abuse the RSS and still get away. But, the so-called Left will not leave you.

Your comments on the Kumbh Mela... Did you go there, or think of going there, out of mere curiosity? Women of course cannot splash in the nude at the Kumbh, but do north indian dalits figure in some way here? And what does one make of a buddhist like the Dalai Lama visiting the mela?

My parental place is less than 200 miles from Allahabad. I know, most of the Kumbh visitors are Shudras, poor Brahmans, and Sadhus etc. Few Dalits go there, a majority of them out of curiosity. I have never been there. The Dalai Lama is a Brahmanized Buddhist.

What kind of music do you listen to, what books do you read, what films do you like watching? Leading an urbanised life with modern amenities one is faced with a barrage of cultural-artistic representations which are hardly alive or attuned to subaltern concerns of the aesthetic. We are forced to consume what is around us but these tend to alienate us from our own moorings, however region-specific these moorings be. These male-savarna-created cultural practices even inferiorise dalits, poor muslims, women and other subaltern communities. Yet, we seem to partake in the process as choiceless consumers... How do you, as an insurgent dalit intellectual, come to terms with it?

I have very little time to spare for music or cinema. I generally watch news on TV. I sometimes like watching Discovery and National Geographic. Frankly speaking, I can't relate to mainstream art, music, cinema etc. as they all relate the lives of the Chatur-Varna Order. I find mainstream art as lifeless, rotten and static as life in the Chatur-Varna Order itself.

What have you registered yourself as in the Census? A buddhist? What should be the strategy of dalits vis-à-vis the Census? What is your position on caste count in the Census?

I was in Indore when they came to my house. Had I been there, I would have argued to be registered as a non-believer. But that is my personal choice. Now, the Census is over, so let us not waste time on that. I think we should not waste time on religious issues. What happened in Maharashtra? The entire energy went towards spreading Buddhism, and the Dalit movement suffered. We must focus on the present-day challenges. The question of the betterment of the community. Look which section of Dalit is talking of Buddhism — the educated, employed, and those financially better off through other means. So, whenever the community at large becomes economically better off, with very little effort they will choose Buddhism.

Do you believe in god? I mean, does the larger question of faith as a socio-political space interest you personally and/or in terms what it means to dalits?

I am a perfect non-believer; if at all I believe in any thing, these are Ambedkarism, Dalits' intelligence, democracy, science, and the Indian State. Call them my gods and goddesses.

Could this (question of faith) have been a problem that Periyar, because of his credo of atheism, failed to understand, especially as it concerned dalit spiritual-cultural practices? What do you think is the major faultline in Periyar's philosophy (if we can see it separately from the political legacy that the mainstream political parties in Tamilnadu claim to represent)?

As facts show, Periyar had launched an Anti-Brahman movement, and a movement against Brahmanism. He could probably not foresee that the Shudra once in power will become Ultra-Bramanical. That is why he targeted Brahmans alone, and not the Chatur-Varna Order. That one blunder eliminated the Dalit movement from the Tamil soil in the 20th Century. Unconsciously though, Periyar's movement has created a Social Monster in the form of Shudras. Tamil Nadu under the Dravida parties has the worst record in land reforms. While at the all-India level, out of every hundred SCs, 49 are landless agricultural labourers, in Tamil Nadu, it is 64. Since Shudras are in power, the Dalit movement in Tamil land has a tough task ahead.

You have been arguing that dalit-OBC unity is not possible, given that wherever an OBC movement has flourished (as in Tamilnadu, the Dravidian movement, or in Bihar now) the dalits have not been able to stand their ground. But culturally and in day-to-day habits don't you think there is more in common between the sudra-OBCs and the dalits?

I have never argued that 'Dalit-Shudra unity is not possible'. I have argued that the Dalit-Shudra unity, even if it takes place somewhere, should be stopped. You know, Shudras play with Dalit sentiments — they will point to the social monster called Brahmans, rob Dalits' support, come to power, and then turn to Dalits to oppress them. Every ruling group looks for subjects. And the Shudras, once in power, treat Dalits as subjects as they cannot treat Brahmans as subjects. Not only in Tamil Nadu, the entire South is a classic example. Land-labour relations in South are more undemocratic in the South than elsewhere in India. For instance, out of every hundred SCs in UP, 43 are cultivators, whereas in Tamil Nadu it is 15, Kerala 3, Karnataka 23, and Andhra Pradesh 13. Had OBCs captured power in UP, say 30 years ago, UP may have met the same fate.

I think there are more Brahmans who eat Beef and Pork than Shudras. I also think Shudras tend to have an increased intensity of religiosity than Brahmans. I think Shudras practice untouchability more vigorously than Brahmans today. Further, Shudras tend to use violent methods against Dalits more often than Brahmans do. To me, a violent form of aggression is the ultimate form of oppression. But I still believe an attempt should be made to unite with artisan Shudras.

Dalit-OBC unity may not be happening out there in the field... but do you think it is at least theoretically desirable? Can it be a long-term goal/ possibility?

Dalit-OBC unity is theoretically most undesirable, as the fruits of unity will go to Upper OBCs or Upper Shudras, who tend to practice Brahmanism of the medieval era. The Shudras' aim is to dislodge the Brahmans, and continue with the Chatur-Varna Order, while Dalits want to destroy the Order itself. So, when both the categories have different aims, where is the theoretical basis for unity?

You have even been suggesting that a brahman-dalit (political) alliance seems to be emerging (the BSP fielding brahman candidates). You even seem to think intellectually they can some together... But do you think a brahman and a dalit can ever come together physically, philosophically and spiritually; in marriage, living together, food habits...? Aren't they the opposite poles of the caste system?

See, Dalits will always differ with, or rather fight with Brahmans in the area of philosophy, ideology, culture, art, notions of life... in other words, on worldviews. This will go on for several thousand years. But since Dalits and Brahmans are both social minorities, both have a common enemy in Shudras. Thus, for their own different reasons, (Brahmans trying to retain their hold on urban assets and institutions, and Dalits trying to fulfil the basic needs of life) Dalits and Brahmans have no option but to come together politically in the near future, say by the second decade of this century. Suppose, there is an attempt by the State to redistribute land on the principle of LAND TO THE TILLER, who will be affected most: Shudras or Brahmans? And who will lose most — Shudras or Brahmans? Who will benefit most — Shudras or Dalits? To me, unless radical land reforms take place in India, Dalits can never, and should never, think of achieving freedom. And on the land question — the most crucial Dalit question today — the Dalits will be violently resisted by the Shudras.

Do you subscribe to the term 'bahujan' or the idea of 'oppressed majority' formulated by Phule and which has found contemporary rearticulation in Kancha Ilaiah's writings? Elaborate...

It is not the majority which is oppressed, it the minority, it is the Dalits. Do you think Shudra communities such as Thevars, Vanniyars, Chettiyars, Gaudas, Lingayats, Vokkaligas, Kammas, Reddies, Jats, Yadavs, Gujjars, Kurmis, Patels, Marathas are oppressed communities? When Phule talked of uniting with Shudras, the Shudras then were only the social police of the Brahmans; they were tenants. Today, they own land, most of the rural assets and institutions. They have a fair share in the media, cinema, and urban assets as well. All the four chief ministers in the South are of Shudra origin, including the CMs of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Punjab, Haryana, Bihar. Thus, ten major States are ruled by Shudra Chief Ministers. What is the condition of Dalits in these States?

Kanch Ilaiah is a Shudra scholar. He targets Dalits sentiments. Tells them that Brahmans are the creators of the Chatur-Varna Order, that they developed the notion of untouchability. And therefore, they must be destroyed. Dalits tend to get emotionally moved. But, he never says that it is not the Brahman, it is the Brahmanical Order which has to be destroyed. He never says that upper Shudras are turning more Brahmanical than Brahmans themselves. He never tells what is the performance of Shudra governments in the South and elsewhere. He never tells us what the Thevars do to Dalits in Tamil Nadu, or Kammas and Reddies do in Andhra Pradesh.

Ilaiah, foregrounding his position as an OBC, has talked about the need to dalitise the nation as a challenge to savarna cultural hegemony. Do you think it is possible/ okay to identify something like 'dalit' culture as a distinct category? Or does that amount to essentialising...

In fact, Kancha is drafting an intellectual trap to Shudraise the nation's culture. Dalits and Shudras differ culturally as much as Dalits and Brahmans do. Shudras and Brahmans are culturally more close to each other than Shudras and Dalits. Dalits are a distinct social category, and so is there culture.

If you reject Ilaiah's diagnosis of brahmanic hinduism and his positing the need for dalitisation of the savarnas, including the OBCs, what cultural alternative must we pose to the 'brahmanic' model, especially in the context of the pressure on dalits and other subaltern communities who, while coming to enjoy the benefits of urban modernity, are forced to 'brahmanise'. What can be done to prevent the proliferation of what some dalit intellectuals have identified as the 'dalit brahman'? How do we get dalits to be proud of being dalit?

Dalits have a distinct culture. But we should not glorify it. Neither do we want Brahman/Shudra culture. We want European culture, which is the best. When West's economic model is turning out to be the standard model for most nations, why not their culture? Every Dalit who is happy today, it is because he is westernised. With which culture was Dr. Ambedkar more close to? Was it not western? In fact, if you examine minutely, Dalits are culturally more close to western culture than cultures anywhere.

Is there a need to distinguish between the 'harijan' and the dalit, in the sense of the latter being a politicised/ intellectually aware, responsible person. But what do we do with 'harijans' like Bangaru Laxman, Ajit Jogi, Paswan, Meira Kumar, or similar figures who occupy the academia, media and opinion-making sections of society? In other words, how should we view dalits who want to efface/ disavow their dalitness? I feel savarna intolerance is to be blamed to a large extent for this situation... Don't you think this problem, of what the brahman sociologist M N Srinivas conveniently termed 'sanskritisation', will remain as long as we do not provide a meaningful alternative? Can such an alternative be built by fusing the positive elements of dalit cultures and those of western modernity (meaning concepts of liberty, equality and fraternity)?

Let us not condemn Dalit leaders. It will serve no purpose. In that case, we will land up calling [President K R] Narayanan also a 'harijan'. When Dr. Ambedkar had joined Pandit Nehru's Cabinet, he too was criticised by many Dalits.

The alternative is there, in the last sentence of your question. Fusion. Yes, fusion of the positive elements of Dalit culture — which is yet to be theorized — and the modernity of the western culture. M N Srinivas suffered from the same inferiority complex which Arun Shourie suffers from today. Shourie is under great civilisational pressure: why was no Brahman suitable / good enough to write the Constitution of the Indian Republic, which regulates the affairs of the State, and also of society. He, therefore, went on to artificially prove that Dr Ambedkar had only a minor role in drafting the Law Book. Srinivas sensed that the new Brahmans' modern [westernized] culture is more closer to Dalits — man-woman relationships, sex patterns, non-vegetarianism etc. — and therefore instead of admitting that Brahmans are picking things from Dalit culture, he went on to artificially prove that Dalits are aping Brahmans!

What is your position on the participation of nondalits in dalit struggles? Till now, the savarnas have been interested in dalit issues only in a patronising gandhian way, without attacking the varna system. Should not nondalits underplay themselves in terms of visibility/ outspokenness, and try to be mere facilitators...?

Dalits have always welcomed non-Dalits in their struggles. But, as you seem to suggest, they should be more as facilitators than claiming leadership roles.

Don't you think the intellectual responsibility of nondalits who (in whatever way) approach dalit identity issues should be to address those nondalits who are wilfully unalive to the problems posed by caste and their own implicatedness in the caste system?

You are right. They should educate their own people, they should critique their past, their vision, their culture, and their intellect.

How should dalit intellectuals, especially historians, look at history? Recently Gopal Guru has argued that the dalits have no nostalgia; what they remember is 'only the history of humiliation and exploitation'. Your comments.

Gopal is right. I largely agree with him. But I would like to add one thing: Dalits must look at history, rather write history of non-Dalits from a Dalit perspective. That will help Dalits as there is continuity of the doctrine of exclusion. Untouchability was nothing but a doctrine of exclusion where Dalits were denied all rights, access to wealth and institutions. Dalits can conclusively prove that Romila Thapar practices that doctrine. So did Bipan Chandra. The Department of History in JNU grew under the shadow of Bipan and Romila. But, they did not allow a single Dalit to become a teacher. They threw constitutional provisions into the dustbin. Today, the same Romila Thapar talks of defending the Constitution. So is the performance of Sumit Sarkar. These historians have distorted history; and in terms of vision, they are closer to the Sangh Parivar. They have the same view of British Imperialism that the Sangh Parivar propagates. To the Dalits, the coming of British gave great relief...

Isn't the intellectual liberation of nondalits, starting with the brahmans, important for dalit liberation? Can a dalit struggle take place independent of the emancipation of all castes? Isn't it necessary to dialogue with the oppressors, though the possibilities of such a dialogue — a scenario where a brahman listens to dalits and is willing to change — seem remote right now. Where and how do we start, given that dalit consciousness and brahman revivalism seem to be happening simultaneously?

We must be clear in what we mean by DALIT LIBERATION. Dalits have to first and foremost cross the transition phase: that no Dalit remains as landless agricultural labourer, no Dalit remains uneducated, Dalits have a fair representation in English medium schools, higher education, a fair representation in public institutions, several hundred of Dalits as millionaires, their housing issues are resolved, they have access to good healthcare etc. Only after these basic questions are resolved, Dalits can think of the battle for complete emancipation. It is wrong to sell a dream which is not likely to be achieved. This abstraction of Dalit struggles is dangerous as it dilutes the immediate agenda of the community.

Yes, Dalits must convincingly tell nondalits that they too are in the bondage of the Chatur-Varna Order. Nondalits' intellectual emancipation is very important, for unless they undergo emancipation, Social Democracy can be accomplished. It is extremely necessary to tell Brahmans that once Shudras capture political power at the all-India level, the first thing they would do is destroy democratic institutions. Then, the Shudras will unleash SOCIAL FASCISM in India, which will not harm Dalits alone; Brahmans too will face humiliation.

The real danger of revivalism of Brahmanism rests with Shudras, and the Brahmans will be the immediate victims of Brahmanism.

Brahmans cannot revive their medieval oppressive system, nor the medieval-type dominance. Yes, the real danger of revivalism of Brahmanism rests with Shudras, and the Brahmans will be the immediate victims of Brahmanism. Dalits can still withstand that revivalism, as they already undergone that experience. But Brahmans will collapse, will be totally shattered. Therefore, they should join the Dalits' battle for land reforms. The only way Brahmans can escape the Shudras menace is to democratise land-labour relationships, followed by achieving social democracy. If the land-labour relationship is democratised, Shudras will lose their clout. But, unless Brahmans decide to share urban assets and institutions, Dalits can't save Brahmans from their sure downfall. If Brahmans do not take the initiative, they will be finished in the coming fifty years.

During a talk in Hyderabad in January you talked about how a 'progressive-leftist' journal like the Economic and Political Weekly (EPW) refused to publish your article. But they allowed a nondalit, Aditya Nigam, to theorise on the epistemology of the dalit critique. Would you like to throw more light on this? Is this related to the larger problem of the hypocrisy of savarnas of all hues — marxists, feminists, secular-liberals, antimodernists (like Nandy, Kakar, Kishwar), postmodernists, and the hindutva-wadis?

A Savarna is always a Savarna. He is not a Marxist, he is not a secularist. He is not a liberal. Ideological divisions such as Marxist, Socialist, Liberal or Rightist are all artificial divisions. Is The Hindu/Frontline group of papers owned by an official Rightist? How many Dalits have a regular column in Hindu/Frontline? I can give hundreds of instances where Left/Secularists are University VCs, but have they implemented the Constitution in appointing Dalits in teaching positions? There used to be a good lobby of Left artists in Hindi cinema — but did they ever launch a movement to include Dalit art and Dalit artists in Hindi Cinema? There is still a big secular lobby in Bollywood; but has it ever made an attempt to democratize the film world? There are a host of Left/Secular columnists in mainstream media. But have they ever sought to improve Dalit presence in field of journalism?

EPW is just the other face of Organiser (RSS journal).

Right or Left, both the arms belong to the same body, serve the same body, are guided by the same brain. We must be able to understand this situation.

Yes, when Brahmans are cornered, then they look for allies. That is what happened in UP, when in order to escape subjugation at the hands of Shudras, they approached BSP, and made Mayawati the chief minister twice. Likewise, when we strip the Brahman intelligentsia naked, and parade them on the intellectual streets of India, they will need some patch of cloth for cover — then they will look towards Dalits to turn saviors!

There's been great confusion over how the dalits should understand and react to the formulations of the Narmada Bachao Andolan and its spokespersons, Medha Patkar and Arundhati Roy. How should we critique their gandhian-environmentalism without undermining the larger issues that concern the dam-affected?

NBA is known as Patidar's [an equivalent of Thevars in Tamil Nadu, or Kammas of Andhra Pradesh] Land Bachao Andolan [PLBA] in the Valley, Rehabilitation Andolan in Delhi, and Save Environment Movement in London and elsewhere in Europe. NBA talks of Gandhism, it opposes modernity. It glorifies the past, in the same manner as the RSS does. For the Dalits, the past was more cruel, local institutions are more oppressive. Modernity has given Dalits some relief. NBA is supported by bored house-husbands/ bored housewives of Savarnas, and its cadres are the spoilt brats of the urban elite. Arundhati Roy and Medha Patkar represent the most ugly face of the Brahman world.

Some dalit and OBC spokespersons have been talking about the liberatory potential of globalisation/ liberalisation for dalits/ subaltern groups, arguing that it would be easier to deal with a professional capitalist like John Welch (GE chairperson) than with an unprofessional baniya-capitalist like Rahul Bajaj. Do you agree? They is also a demand for reservation in the private sector? Will this be possible? How should dalits handle globalisation?

Globalization/liberalization must be seen in a particular social/political context. In the Indian context, most ideas, institutions, which come from the West, howsoever ill-intended they may be, in the end, benefit those who are outside the Chatur-Varna Order, namely Dalits and Adivasis. I totally agree with the view that it is easier to deal with Johns but difficult to deal with Bajajs.

The anti-globalization drive has been launched by the Sangh Parivar and the mainstream Left, whom I call the Domesticated Left. For, both are ultra-nationalists.

But here I have one problem, which is different in nature, and which neither Left and nor the Sangh would agree, for, both have an amazingly high degree of contempt for the Indian State. My problem is this: globalization/liberalization is inseparably linked to privatization. As I have stated earlier, any Dalit who has some smile on his face, is better-dressed, better-housed, is so because he is serving or has served under institutions of the State — be it a Class-IV employee, an Engineer/Doctor/ Civil Servant or a legislator. The few Dalits who are abroad, in the US or UK in particular, must have some indirect connection with the Indian State — their parents, relatives or friends. Thus, if the institutions run by the State get privatized, where will Dalits go? This question has always haunted me. Look at the condition of Muslims! Within fifty years, where have they gone, those who once ruled for over six hundred years?

Today, nine major Indian states are being headed by Shudra Chief Ministers. The Shudra parties like DMK, TDP, RJD, SP, JD, Shiv Sena, Akali Dal, Chautala's Lok Dal, etc. seems to have entered into agreements with Dwija parties like Congress and BJP. The agreement is — 'Don't raise the question of Land Reform, we will not oppose privatization'. Likewise, Dalit parties should tell Dwijas, 'Your game will be over within 50 years. Shudras will finish you politically. Then your hold over urban assets and institutions will be over. So, align with us, as Shudras want to treat us as their subjects. And, therefore, support us in a new phase of Land Reforms, give us our share in private sector — in both capital and jobs, and in public institutions. Then, we can support you in redefining Mandal reservation, which must go to artisan Shudras.'

Something like this can be done. Only then can the larger Dalit mass benefit.

What about computers and the hype over information technology? Where do dalits stand in the context of such virtual, air-conditioned, anti-sweat labour? What must be their strategy?

Few Dalit individuals apart, Dalit masses stand nowhere. Out of every 100 SC (1991 Census), 63, and in case of STs 70, are illiterate. By 2001 Census, it may at the most come down to 50 for SC/STs put together. How many of them are educated above matric? To me, not more than 5 per cent. How many of them are English-literate? Maybe 0.001 per cent. Those who are English literate, and have education above 12th standard? Maybe 0.0001 per cent. And how many of them own PCs? May be 0.00001 per cent or much less than that! Thus, there is a very clear danger of IT becoming another Sanskrit. While we should welcome the IT revolution, we must demand our due share in it.

What is your position on conversions? Since reservation in the public sector hardly matters given that government jobs are shrinking, and being counted as a 'hindu dalit' has no social benefits whatsoever, do you see the possibility of dalits embracing new religions — islam, christianity or buddhism — if these faiths offer them not just dignity and respect but also tangible material benefits like education, jobs... What threat does this pose to localised dalit spiritual traditions, faith-spaces?

If there is any Dalit who 'feels' that he/she is a 'Hindu', then he/she must immediately switch over to any other religion, preferably Buddhism. This could an ideal position. But will this kind of conversion lead to emancipation as well, spiritual or material? What is our experience? Those who switched over to Christianity, turned into 'Dalit-Christian', those who embraced Sikhism, became 'Dalit-Sikh', those who sought Islam became 'Dalit Muslims' and those who converted to Buddhism, are called Neo-Buddhists, equivalent of 'Dalit-Buddhist'. The Dalit intelligentsia must rely more on its intelligence, genius, than on emotion, and try to find out why even after changing one's religion, a Dalit continues to be identified with his/her earlier identity.

Those who have a clearer idea of the Chatur-Varna Order, or the Caste System, must keep this basic fact in mind — that, there is no Varna or Caste, in the traditional Chatur-Varna Order, without an OCCUPATIONAL identity, and vice-versa. Thus, unless a Dalit changes his/her occupation, which is historically imposed on him/her, and chooses an occupation, or is caused to choose one, no real emancipation can occur. Since conversions are not necessarily accompanied by a change in occupation, he/she continues to be identified with his/her traditional occupation and Dalit identity, and thus turns into DALIT-CHRISTIAN, DALIT-SIKH, DALIT MUSLIM, NEO-BUDDHIST etc.

Today, all those Dalits who have some respect [respect in the relative sense of the term, for instance, the status of a Dalit who is an Engineer, and status of a Dalit who remains a cobbler] in society, are so because of change of occupation. Thus, if a Dalit (who remains a so-called Hindu) becomes a clerk in Railways or Postal Department, or a schoolteacher, or even a peon in Collectorate, he/she is more respected than a Dalit who remains a landless agricultural labourer but becomes Christian or a Buddhist . Thus, keeping this experience in mind, the Dalit energy, or the Dalit movement should address the basic material/ educational question of the community, and try to dismantle the relationship between traditional OCCUPATON and Caste.

But, then one can easily tell Mr Prasad, "A Dalit who has become a clerk, and converts to Christianity or Buddhism, is still called Dalit-Christian or a Neo-Buddhist. That means, his/her occupational transformation has not helped him/her." My answer to this kind of question simple: There are two individuals — one a Bangladeshi billionaire, and the other an American pauper. At first instance, one would tend to weigh the American pauper more than the Bangladeshi billionaire; for, the Bangladeshi billionaire is identified with the average condition of Bangladeshis and the American pauper with the average condition of Americans, who are better-off. Thus, those Dalits, who are in Civil Services, or those who have migrated to America or UK, will always be identified with their social roots. Therefore such sections of Dalits, instead of raising emotive issues, or issues abstract in nature, must concern themselves with ground realities and raise fundamental issues of their less fortunate brothers and sisters — land, quality education, employment, business and trade, participation in public institutions, question of atrocities etc.

    South Asia Analysis Group

    05. 09. 2001

    

    POLITICS OF RACE AND CASTE: we do not need the UN to solve our internal problem

    by R. Upadhyay

    To have a meaningful understanding of the on going debate on inclusion of Caste in the agenda of UN sponsored WCAR(World Conference Against Racism), it is better to analyse this move of the NGOs in the historical background of the growing awareness of Human Rights.  Although the origin of the racist thinking cannot be fully traced, the idea of the superiority of the white race over all others is consciously or unconsciously linked with the initial notion prevailing among some of the intellectuals of Caucacian race of Europe, that their race was ordained by God to rule over other inferior (?) races.  This notion got a further boost after the overseas expansion of the Western European Countries and the colonial powers, which used racial discrimination against the so-called inferior races.  With the passage of time and conceptualisation of rational thinking at intellectual level, some sections of people started realising the need for ethical values of life and the very concept of racial superiority became a debatable point.  The post World War intellectual turbulence following the atrocities committed by Axis Powers against ethnic and political minorities and slaughter of Jews at the hands of the Germans  gave the lie to the concept that "all human beings are born free and equal".  Subsequently with the emergence of United Nations Organisation (UNO), one of the major goals under its charter was to promote and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all people, regardless of race, sex, language, or religion.  It adopted a Universal Declaration of Human Rights on December 10, 1948 and held an International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial discrimination in 1965.  Later, it also set up a committee to review and monitor Racial Discrimination all over the world.  India became a party to this convention after signing it in 1968.

    However, even after the breakup of colonial empires, forces hostile to the indigenous Indian civilisation with their Euro-centric imperialistic cultural designs remained active with an objective to disintegrate the Hindu society particularly after the Hindu revival movement in post-colonial India.  With their clout among the political authorities in Western Powers and also within Indian polity, they promoted the NGOs to work for their mission.  The on going debate to include caste discrimination in the agenda of the World Conference Against Racialism (WCAR in Durban from August 31) is therefore, viewed by the nationalist forces in the country as an attempt to alienate the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes from the Hindu society.

    In the light of the convention referred to, some of the NGOs particularly those claiming to be the champions for Dalit's cause in India both at national and international level became active.  Their attempt to bring the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes within the purview of racial discrimination was to promote the design of Euro-centric forces to impose their religious and cultural exclusivism on scheduled castes, which could be possible only if they succeed in disintegrating the Hindu society.

    Despite the determined stand of the government that caste-based discrimination is an "internal" matter of India, Dalit  activists associated with NGOs made it a point to globalize the issue with an argument that caste based discrimination and racial bias are the two sides of the same coin.  They have "charged the government with drawing the saffron curtain over the issue of human rights within the country".  They are not even convinced with the theory of well-known social anthropologist like Andre Beteille, who said, "treating caste as a form of race is politically mischievous and scientifically nonsensical".  Citing the ineffectual attempts made in the past to identify and define race in India, Beteille says, "I am now convinced that identifying the races in the population of India will be an exercise in futility..."  Beteille further said: "We cannot throw out the concept of race by the front door when it is being misused for asserting social superiority and bring it again through the back door to misuse it in the cause of the oppressed" ( "Race and Caste", The HINDU, March 10, 2001)

    Contrary to the view of social anthropologists and the stand of Government of India that caste system in this country is beyond the spirit of anti-racial movement, the Committee to Review and Monitor the Racial Discrimination, which is empowered to interpret the spirit of the convention rejected them in its meeting held in August 1996.

    Emboldened with the report of the Committee to Review and Monitor the Racial Discrimination all over the world, Dr. Ambrose Pinto, executive director of the New Delhi-based Indian Social Institute (An outfit of Roman Catholic Church) said, "The U.N. needs to change the title of the Conference in such a way as to include caste discrimination".  Martin Macwan, national convener of the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights also supported his views.

    Ignoring the views of the Dalit Movement activists, the External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh in his inaugural speech in the first meeting of the NCWCR in New Delhi on February 7 said, "We are strongly opposed to all such attempts. We must ensure that the Conference does not lose sight of its focus on racism."  Abid Hussein, a member of the NCWCR also said: "Caste-based discrimination and racial discrimination are evils.  It is important to eradicate them from society.  But it is not fair to take the Conference as the venue for fighting caste-based discrimination.  One must remember that it is not a conference on taking up every kind of discrimination prevalent in society."

    Taking advantage of the draft declaration of WCAR, the self styled champions for Dalit's cause launched an aggressive campaign against the stand of Government of India on this issue and got the support of their fellow travellers in media, academicians and political parties.  Eduardo Failario pointed out in the Rajya Sabha that "India has its own constitutional remedies for the ills of casteism but it does not prevent us from receiving global solidarity to address this multinational problem as we do in the case of other global issues like child labour, women, ecology, AIDS and Human Rights" (Indian Express dated August 24, 2001).  But how far the global solidarity at the cost of diluting the spirit of the sovereignty of the nation will help the Dalits of the country is a million dollar question.  Equating caste discrimination with AIDS etc is something, which is apparently not based on sound logic.

    Every country has its own social problems, which are required to be resolved within the framework of the prevalent laws of the land.  If insurgency, terrorism, and other social evils like dowry and illiteracy could be tackled with the help of constitutional provisions, why should caste discrimination be discussed in an international forum? Can we discuss the logic of reservation for Dalits and OBCs in Government jobs, legislature and academic institutions, which may come within the preview of Human Right violation - in international forum? In the name of global solidarity, India cannot place its sovereignty in international forum for scrutiny.  The argument of the Dalit Rights activists that "The culture of Dalits cannot be equated with the dominant caste culture" shows their poor knowledge about Vedic culture, where there was no caste discrimination.  Even Dr. B.R.Ambedkar, the founder of Dalit Movement in India said, " In spite of the composite make-up of the Hindu population, there is a deep cultural unity and caste is a parceling into bits of a larger cultural unit"(Organiser dated September 2, 2001).

    The UNO achieved considerable success in its fight against colonialism and apartheid. But ironically, even after over half a century of its existence it continues to be a play ground of not only the western powers but also of the powerful forces behind the western cultural movements, that are engaged in imposing their faith on the weaker sections of third world population.  It had also affected the effectiveness of the UNO to promote its real agenda and as a result the Universal Declaration of Human Rights hardly achieved any positive visible effect on its member countries.

    Governments with questionable human rights records, such as China, criticize the UN?s attempts to promote human rights, saying that such actions interfere with their internal affairs.  The Arab World in its fight against the Jews repeatedly denounced Zionism as a "tool of imperialism".  It got the support of some super power in its attempt to utilize the UN forum and accordingly succeeded in pursuing the latter to adopt a resolution in 1975 equating Zionism with racism.  Even though the General Assembly voted 111 to 25 for its repeal in 1991, the Arab World has not given up its efforts and again pursued the NGOs for inclusion of Zionism in the draft declaration of WCAR.  The Zionists on their part maintained that their movement was never against the Arab?s right of self-determination but they have been defending the right of Jewish people for their national liberation.  Presently Zionism is based on the principles of autonomy and safety of the state of Israel and the right of any Jew to settle there to provide the guarantee of a Jewish nationality to any Jew in need of it.  With this conviction, Israel took a strong stand and threatened to boycott its participation in WCAR if the latter forced to include Zionism in its agenda.  USA also supported Israel on this issue.

    On the other hand India appears to be the only country in the world, which hardly sends a strong protest against the issue detrimental to its sovereignty.  Even though Government of India did not agree for inclusion of caste in the draft declaration of WCAR, it did not react in the manner Israel had reacted.  Unfortunately even the sociologists or the media did not come forward to counter the aggressive voices raised by the NGOs for discussing the domestic issue at international forum effectively.  Such soft attitude of the Government encouraged the NGOs in the roll of foreign funding agencies to internationalise its domestic issues.

    Caste discrimination particularly untouchability in Hindu society was one of the major concerns of the Government in the post-colonial India.  The Indian constitution therefore, made ample provisions to guard against this social evil.  The Supreme Court, Human Right Commission, Scheduled Caste Commission have all reviewed various laws enacted by parliament and reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the governance of the country as well as in educational institutions and a number of other measures adopted by the Government.  But instead of educating the discriminated section of Indian population to avail the opportunity provided by the Government, the Dalit Rights activists work as a tool in the hand of the forces of vested political and personal interests.  Even the affluent section from amongst the Dalits come under the influence of the foreign funded NGOs and exploit their own people for their political and personal interest.

    According to a newspaper report 46 NGOs in India are accredited to WCAR.  Most of them are known to be associated with Dalit movements in the country.  Despite the known stand of anthropologists and sociologists that caste cannot be equated with race, these self-styled NGOs working for Dalits cause maintain, "caste discrimination is racism".  In India there are number of castes and sub castes belonging to the same race and there has been discrimination even within the various sub sects of Dalits due to a number of factors like political, social and sectorial.  There are instances of fight within the Dalits for garnering the benefits being provided by the Government to them.  The on going caste consolidation for sharing political power is another important factor for caste tension in the country, though it has no similarity with the caste discrimination as it was before Independence.  Social segregation of different castes and sub castes does not mean any discrimination against each other.  It is more or less a segregation of different clans, which is prevalent in some form or other in different parts of the world.  Therefore, if caste discrimination is discussed in present context, it may open a floodgate to globalise the domestic issues, which are against the concept of national sovereignty.

    How the Varnashram Dharma (professional units) of Hindu society got transformed into birth rooted caste system and denied social hierarchy to some of its segments (belonging to same race) may be a debatable issue but it cannot be equated with racial discrimination.  The historical onslaught on Hindu society and the errors committed by it might have polluted the indigenous Vedic social order, which had no caste discrimination as Euro-centric historians project it.  But the post-colonial Governments have been serious in their efforts to correct such errors by providing an opportunity to the socially discriminated castes for their social, educational and economic upliftment.  It may take a long time but the move in the right direction.  The stand of the NGOs in raising their voices for discussion of caste discrimination in an anti-racial conference of WCAR is therefore, not based on sound logic.  On the other hand it gives credence to the allegation that their main objective is a move to discredit the Government and garner foreign funds from the international agencies in the name of Dalit's cause.

    Outwardly the activities of the NGOs working for Dalit's cause may look quite rational but in the absence of any specialized agency at Government level to scrutinize their behind the scene objective and the alleged misuse of the huge amount of foreign funds being received by them gives an impression that their intention may not be as pious as they claim.  Their aggressive campaign in the present context is a pointer that the move is not simply an event but a part of an agenda to isolate the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes from Hindu society and create social disorder as alleged by the Hindu nationalist forces in the country.

    By and large, a number of the NGOs in India accredited to the UNO and associated with Dalit Movement, are said to be a part of the Christian Movement- sponsored Liberation Theology.  With huge amounts of foreign funds at their disposal, the main task of the social activists associated with Church institutions like Indian Social Institute, William Carries and others are to alienate the ?Dalits? from the cultural mainstream of the country and provide an opportunity to their masters to convert them to Christianity.  Their support to the move of the NGOs justifies the allegation.  John Dayal, Secretary General, All India Christian Council said, "The main thing here is to get international exposure for the issue of caste" (Frontline in its issue dated August 31, 2001).  The Christian missionaries in India have been demanding reservation for Dalit Christians like the Hindu Dalits but the Government has rejected it on the ground that the concept of caste discrimination has no relevance in Christian society.  An impression is gaining ground that these foreign funded NGOs are the safe houses of the lobbyists, who are working for various international agencies engaged in destroying the cultural heritage of the country. Unfortunately, the media has hardly taken any interest to look into the allegations deeply and bring out the truth.  Instead it is simply projecting the views of the NGOs without any scrutiny.  This has therefore, created an adverse impact on the credibility of the media.

    ?Human Rights Watch?, a Washington-based organization flashed an uncalled for notes to Government of India before the commencement of WCAR that "it should establish a programme and timetable to enforce the abolition of untouchability" ( Economic Times dated August 29, 2001 ) Any patriotic citizen and nation with self respect should have sent a strong protest against the notes of Human Rights Watch, as it is an interference in the domestic affairs of the country but the issue was raised in parliament with the support of some of the political parties, which encouraged the NGOs in India to raise their voices aggressively against the Government.  The event has therefore, created an impression that these NGOs are playing into the hands of the forces, that are trying to internationalise the domestic issue of India, which is contrary to the spirit of national sovereignty The history of the denial of opportunities to the Dalits and their exclusion from all social, political and economic institutions is gradually losing its relevance due to the awareness of various Governmental and non-Governmental institutions.

    The NGOs responsible for raking up the on going controversy have only contributed to rise of social tension without any visible benefits to the Dalits.  Their Dalit movement is primarily a move to pressurise the Government to provide reservation benefits to the Dalit Christians with the main objective to disintegrate the Hindu society and fulfil the task to bring Asia under the "grace of Jesus in third millennium".  Propounding the concept of liberation theology the cultural lobby of the west helped the western super powers to put a break on communist movement.  The present move is to counter the rise in spiritual movement being helped by the Hindu revivalist forces.  People of the country in general and Government in particular are therefore, required to be careful against the nefarious designs of the forces responsible to create social disorder in Indian society.

    (The analysis is based on the personal perception of the writer. E-mail: ramashray60@ yahoo.com)

India: An international spotlight on the caste system
Sunanda K. Datta-Ray International Herald Tribune

FRIDAY, MAY 13, 2005
NEW DELHI India's 170 million Dalits, formerly called Untouchables, rejoiced recently when a high government official was arrested for hurling caste-related abuse at his junior. But joy turned to dismay when the Bombay high court quashed the charge under India's 1989 Prevention of Atrocities Act because the offense had been committed in a private office and not in public. However, the court directed the police to register a case under another law, the 1955 Civil Rights Protection Act.

At least this legal nit-picking was not as grotesque as the Madras high court's acquittal in 1973 of 23 upper-caste Hindu landowners who had burned 43 Dalit men, women and children to death in their huts. The judge argued speciously that people of their rank would hire others to do their dirty work while "keeping themselves in the background."

The United Nations Commission on Human Rights will now examine the abominations of what has been called the world's oldest color bar - the Sanskrit word for caste being varna, or color. "Dalits have pierced through the wall of silence in the UN," exulted the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights convenor, Paul Divakar.

Three years of study are expected to enable the rights commission's two special rapporteurs, Yozo Yokota and Chin-Sung Chung, to compile a set of draft guidelines to bury the job-oriented caste hierarchy, which goes back millennia.

The two will find that discrimination persists not because India's government condones it but because poorly enforced laws have failed to move society. They will also discover contradictions that hinder reform. Dalits are traditionally employed as sweepers and cremation ground attendants. They keep "unclean" animals like pigs and are subjected to every conceivable form of discrimination. But their leaders enjoy considerable political clout because, in an effort to redress the injustice of ages, India's Constitution lavishes generous privileges on them.

(The constitution's author, a U.S.-trained lawyer, B.R. Ambedkar, was himself a Dalit whom an enlightened Maharajah of Baroda sent to school. But he had to sit outside the classroom and listen to lessons through a window.)

Dalits live apart from the rest of the community in the interior of states like Bihar and Rajasthan in northern India and Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh in the south. They are forbidden to enter temples, draw water from village wells, bathe in communal ponds or walk along certain streets. Teashops and eating-houses throw them out.

Dalits own less land than other Indians. Their education lags behind the national average. They are the poorest in India. No wonder some have turned to Marxist-Leninist rebellion. Others have become Buddhists. Romance across the caste divide in these places is punished with swift severity: Daring Dalit boys are killed, Dalit girls raped.

Yet, social servitude and economic bondage is not the entire story. Positive discrimination - easy loans, tax benefits, and reserved education, employment and numerous other facilities - has created what an official report calls "a vested interest in backwardness."

Thus, the number of Dalit groups doubled between 1950 and 1960, with 190 more clamoring for inclusion. That same report spoke of "a creamy layer" within the community. Apparently, a handful of politically savvy Dalits who corner privileges treat their brethren with the contempt of which they themselves complain.

Politics provides the worst example of distorted good intentions. Hundreds of reserved seats in state legislatures and the federal Parliament have made Dalits the target for lobbying and taught them the value of bargaining. Though the best-known Dalit politician, Jagjivan Ram, a prime ministerial contender in 1979, wisely acknowledged that permanent privileges would make people think of Dalits as "a community of incompetent and inferior people," he did not refuse them.

The constitutional privileges introduced in 1950 were meant to last only 10 years. But Dalit luminaries who have taken their woes to the UN, the World Conference Against Racism in Durban and the European Parliament (which condemns "continual acts of discrimination in Indian society based on caste-related, social or religious status") would be the first to protest if positive discrimination ends.

The real worry is whether anything the Commission on Human Rights does will help impoverished and illiterate Dalits in remote villages. Obscurantist high-caste officials will thwart reform; so might their own pampered leaders. The international spotlight is a good thing, but experience shows that India's economic revolution, bringing education and social and political awareness in its train, is the best guarantor of minority rights.

(Sunanda K. Datta-Ray, a former editor of The Statesman in India, is author of ''Waiting for America: India and the U.S. in the New Millennium.'')

  Is this the Empire's revenge?
Chandrabhan Prasad
Now himself under cloud for having made a casteist remark against Anil Kumar Yadav, the then SP of Gopal Ganj, the controversial IAS officer, Mr LV Saptarishi, has unintentionally triggered off a new debate. Do senior officers make casteist remarks at the work place? Or, do traditional upper caste people make casteist remarks against people of the lower castes? What in this case seems certain is that, either the two Election Commissioners in question had actually made the remark as being alleged Mr Saptarishi, or Saptarishi himself had made that remark against the SP of Gopalganj, and knew that such remarks can be made, and somebody else implicated of casteist tendencies on grounds such as this.

Given the timing of Saptarishi's "disclosure", and the way he did it - holding a press conference like a politician - he has, in all likelihood, worked in tandem with the RJD to market Lalu's "victimhood". Whatever be the circumstances, and intent of Saptarishi, the issue raised by him needs further attention. In yet another case, Mr VP Shetty, chairman of the Industrial Development Bank of India (IDBI), has been accused of making a casteist remark against Dalits. He was arrested and released on bail.

Mr Shetty, Mr Saptarishi, or the two Election Commissioners, are no ordinary citizens as they hold high positions. To many, there is an element of doubt as to how can people like them could make casteist remarks. To the victims, however, casteist remarks may be a reality. A casteist remark, or remarks meant to humiliate an individual on the basis of his/her social origin, may occur in various forms. A person with a higher level of sophistication may be quite subtle while somebody less bright may be quite brutal. But the hurt caused may be of the same level.

India is caste-society, built by bricks of bias and prejudice. Castes all over India have "caste-jokes" meant to denigrate others. "Teen tagava par biswas mat karna": In English this means: "Never believe men of triple threads (Brahman, Kshatriya, and Vaishya)". Another one goes: "Sath saala hai". In English, this roughly translates as "he is sixty years of age" (hence a Yadav), and entitled to wisdom. Now sample this: "Padha likha jat, solah doona ath" which says "to an educated Jat, sixteen multiplied by two is equivalent to eight".

Since the Yadavas have traditionally been perceived as a violent people, even a fair electoral victory for Lalu Prasad Yadav can be easily construed as rigged. The upper castes have, over the years, resisted from entering into any kind of social churning, leave alone indulge in any meaningful self-criticism. There are a host of well-educated, cultured and in many ways, men of exceptional credibility in the Congress and BJP. They, however, often belong to the Dwija category, which is losing its grip over the political power structure. In the early 1930s, there was a big riot between Yadavs and Dwijas in Bihar. The riot had a unique genesis. The Yadavas had decided to adopt the Upanayana (the sacred triple thread), which entitles people to enter the Dwija social basket. This was unacceptable to the upper castes and the riot followed. The British government had to impose mass penalty on the Dwijas.

The traditional lower castes, the Shudras in the classical order, or OBCs in the contemporary discourse, can't in any manner relate themselves to the Dwija leadership. To them, a dubious Lalu or Mulayam Singh Yadav would remain preferable to others despite their many idiosyncrasies. These leaders would succeed in mobilising their people by invoking history. The memory of the past practices of the Dwijas and the smriti-smruti tradition of their subjugation for ages is too much of a factor behind their political decision.

The Dwijas, instead of acknowledging their past and apologising for all their crimes, prefer to go on the counter-offensive. Due to their numerical weakness, they have been losing out in electoral politics. Once a dominant social category, the Dwijas have no social friends today. They operate on the space provided by the Congress and the BJP and try to work out newer social alliances. The friction within the larger Shudra category gives them hope. But, those Shudras who align with the upper caste-led Congress or the BJP, loose credibility within their community. The Dwijas, therefore, are on the run. Lalu or Uma Bharati have a larger social appeal. The Dwija political leadership has been clueless about the wider ramifications of this social phenomenon.

Finding their political isolation helpless, the Dwijas in the non-political realm - bureaucracy, media, academia, business and art - have taken upon themselves the mission to reinstall their hegemony. The methods they deploy are too well-known: Humiliation, lampooning, and deceit, to mention only a few.

Saptarishi himself, who in all likelihood is a Dwija, is a case in point. He is supposed to have made casteist remark against the then SP of Gopal Ganj. At that point of time, the NDA was expected to win. It is quite possible that the two election commissioners had actually made casteist remarks, but Saptarishi did not object as he too was on a similar mission. Assuming that the two election commissioners did not make any such remark, and yet Saptarishi is making such allegations, it may be assumed that the prompt is coming from the realisation that power has changed hands. Knowing that Lalu is a major player, Saptarishi may have played the caste card to secure for himself a post-retirement assignment.

The media had chosen Lalu as tool to lampoon the Shudra leadership. Lalu played into the hands of the media, and would often present himself as a clown, which he is not. Lalu has many a cultured Shudra colleague, but the media would focus those with considerable criminal behaviour. This worked to Lalu's advantage, his people took him as their hero. The media presents Mulayam Singh Yadav as a wrestler, suggesting that he is more brawn than brain. This ploy backfired, because both Lalu and Mulayam benefited from the type-casting. This has effectively thrown the upper castes out of the political power structure.

This whole episode opens a much larger picture: Indians are born out of caste unions, they grow up in caste categories harbouring all kinds of biases and prejudices. As a universal phenomenon, people are never autonomous of the society they are born and brought up in. A European, for instance, will not go to a beach in a suit. The same European will not go to office in a swimsuit. Did nature prescribe this dress code? No, it's society which demands such dress codes. Likewise, a person born in India will be bound by social codes to live out his entire life. If India is a caste society, its people are "caste-people", with caste biases and prejudices almost genetically ingrained.

India, at this juncture of history when societies elsewhere are seeking moderation - often under the leadership of the traditional elite itself - is witnessing a fight for the re-installation of old-world domination. This is a bad signal for the future. The Dwijas who are outside the realm of politics should participate in the social churning, targeting their past to begin with. If that were to a remote possibility, then we all had it- India is fast falling into a new phase of de-democratisation.

(The author is a commentator on social and political issues from the Dalit perspective)

BSP to hold "Brahmin mahasammelan"Add to Clippings

PTI[ TUESDAY, MAY 24, 2005 09:37:46 AM ]
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ALLAHABAD: Accusing the ruling Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh of being "hostile" towards Brahmins, the Bahujan Samaj Party today urged the community to repose its trust in the party which was "their only true well wisher".

"This would be our strident message to Brahmins of U.P. during the Brahman 'mahasammelan' scheduled for June 9, when around 5 lakh BSP supporters from the community would be assembling at the Ambedkar Maidan in Lucknow'', party leader Sushil Mishra told reporters here.

He said at the congregation, "party supremo Mayawati will dispel all doubts about the BSP's attitude towards Brahmins that have arisen as a result of misinformation campaign by the party's detractors''.

Maya: Who says I hate Brahmins?Add to Clippings
MANJARI MISHRA

TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ THURSDAY, JUNE 09, 2005 11:01:33 PM ]
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LUCKNOW: In an ideological leap, BSP supremo Mayawati on Thursday officially consecrated the new Dalit-Brahmin combine.
Addressing an impressive public meeting that had a substantial number of Brahmins along with other upper caste Hindus, amidst the din of conchshells, slogans and applause, the former chief minister urged Brahmins to join her "if they wanted to live a life of dignity and honour."

In defensive mode, Mayawati rattled off a list of Brahmin beneficiaries during her regime, starting with Ramveer Upadhyay, who was made cabinet minister twice, Brijesh Pathak, the Lok Sabha member from Unnao and Satish Mishra, who was appointed advocate-general and then nominated to the Rajya Sabha by her. "Would I do it if I were a Brahmin-hater?" she asked.

Apparently, the BSP is looking for support among Uttar Pradesh's 10 per cent Brahmin population.
...
The BSP's main arena is Uttar Pradesh. This is hardly surprising since the Hindi belt accounts for 21 per cent of the country's Dalits, the highest concentration of the community in comparison to Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Kerala where the population is spread out.
...
According to the 2001 Census, Dalits constitute 16.5 of the population of Orissa, 9.8 per cent in Kerala, 15.2 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 21.1 per cent in Uttar Pradesh. Though Sree Narayana Guru, the BSP' s icon, hails from Kerala, a solid Dalit formation is yet to emerge in that state.

Kanshi Ram conceived the Backward and Minority Communities Employees' Federation (BAMCEF) as early as 1971 and registered it in Pune. It was converted into an all-India body in 1973, and re-launched in Delhi three years later with headquarters in Karol Bagh. Between 1971 and 2005, the BSP and a host of its affiliates officially held that the "Dalit-OBC-Minority" segment of the population is a common victim of caste-varna order.

The Dwijas, headed by the Brahmins, were depicted as the common tormentor. The caste arithmetic based on the 85 per cent Bahujan (as BAMCEF groups were designated) versus 15 per cent Dwijas, or Manuvadis, came into being. Between 1971 and his illness which forced Kanshi Ram to withdraw from active politics a couple of years back, he propagated his Bahujan ideology all over India. In the north, he left hardly a town uncovered in his travels. He was joined by Mayawati, who, along with millions of his followers, activated units in all states down to humble villages. How many hundreds of tonnes of newsprint was used in propagating the Bahujan ideology, telling the OBCs and minorities to join the Dalits as their natural allies will never be known.
...
Mayawati's Brahmin theory has its theoretical basis in the philosophy of BR Ambedkar himself. Ambedkar, in his celebrated book, Who Were Shudras, argued: (1). The Shudras were one of the Aryan communities of the Solar race ; (2). There was a time when Aryan society recognised only three Varnas, namely, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vaishyas; (3). The Shudras did not form a separate Varna. They ranked as part of the Kshatriya Varna in Indo-Aryan society; (4). There was a continuous feud between the Shudra kings and the Brahmins in which the Brahmins were subjected to much tyranny and indignity; (6). As a result of the hatred towards the Shudras generated by their actions, the Brahmins refused to perform Upanayana ceremonies for the Shudras, and, (7). this denial led to the social degradation of the Shudras from the Kshatriya fold to something below the Vaishyas. Hence, they came to form the fourth Varna.

Now, history is hitting back with vengeance. All over India, the Shudras, or OBCs in constitutional vocabulary, have been claiming Kshatriyahood. But that status is not ritually confirmed by the Brahmins, and the Dalits don't recognise it either. With Kshatria-like domination over resources and institutions, the Shudras have become an innately violent social class. To them, violence is an urgent social necessity which brings their torn social emotions immediate gratification.

The proposed Dalit-Brahmin coalition is a coalition of the social proletariat and the cultural bourgeoisie. The British daily, The Guardian, published a story titled "Villagers fall victim to India's caste war" on June 14, 2005. The newspaper correspondent reported that there were 140 killings in the past year, and most of the victims were either Brahmins or Dalits. The majority of the accused persons were OBCs.

Believe it or not, upper OBCs have turned into headhunters, and the proposed coalition is just against that, of course, with an electoral strategy in mind. l

Tug-of-war is evident among the different political parties in Uttar Pradesh to win over the hearts of the 19 per cent Muslim voters spread over 27 districts of the state.

Dalits oppressing other Dalits

http://www.tehelka.c...ont_look_at.asp
UNTOUCHABLES PART-I
Don't look at us, we are cursed

Meet the Puthirai Vannars, the outcastes of Tamil Nadu. A community that has
been suffering in silence for ages, in perpetual bondage to the dalits, and
living in isolation on the fringes of dalit colonies

By PC Vinoj Kumar
Chennai

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa should read this. This is bound to
infuriate her if she really meant what she said a few years ago while seeking
votes in Andipatti, that she believes in only one caste: the human caste. It is
bad enough that dalits cannot become presidents in reserved panchayats in Tamil
Nadu. But shamefully, things are worse for another invisible community living in
the state, a faceless, diminished people who are not even a 'mere vote bank' for
political parties. A people she may not even know - that they actually exist!

This is something that is hard to believe. A sin that has been covered up for
much too long. Unlike the oppressive patterns prevalent in the nation's caste
society, here the sinned are the sinners! This is the tale of a people who are
'untouchables' even for the 'historical' untouchables. A shocking revelation of
a people twice discriminated and daily trampled over.

Meet the Puthirai Vannars, the dhobis for the dalits of Tamil Nadu. A community
that's been suffering in silence for ages, in perpetual bondage to the dalits,
and living in isolation as 'outcastes' on the fringes of dalit colonies. Denied
human rights and self-respect, there is no political leader or party or
democratic institution to speak up for them in this big democracy that is India.

Condemned and mute, for centuries, they have been washing the clothes of the
dalits, giving them haircuts, slaughtering dead cattle, and doing other menial
jobs. To this day, they wash the bloodstained clothes of dalit women in labour,
and the clothes of dalit girls who attain puberty. Worse, till a few decades
ago, they were shunned as 'unseeables'. It was a curse to even 'look' at them.
In those days, the Vannars had to complete their work in the night and stay out
of sight of the other castes in the daytime.

If they ventured out during the day, they had to tie a coconut leaf to their
body, which they pulled along wherever they went. The frond swept the ground and
wiped out their footmarks. They could not even spit on the ground as the others
did so routinely. Instead, they had to spit into a halved coconut shell, which
hung from their necks. "This horrible practice had been in vogue for hundreds of
years. It was the Justice Party that enacted a law abolishing it in 1932. Once
declared illegal, the practice slowly faded out," says TM Prakash, a social
activist working among Puthirai Vannars in the dalit-dominated Tiruvannamalai
district. Not much headway has been made after that landmark social reform.

Today, an estimated two million people from this community are living in the
state. "Though we are found in most districts, about 50 percent of the
population lives in Virudhunagar, Villupuram and Tiruvannamalai districts. Our
people are slaves of the dalits - to the Parayars in northern districts, to the
Pallars in southern districts, and to the Arunthathiyars in western districts,"
says SB Udhaya Kumar of Ramnad, an upcoming leader from the community.

Slaves they are. You have heard of the dictum 'no work, no pay'. But for the
Puthirai Vannars it is all work and no pay. "They are treated like bonded
labourers," says Arul Valan, a Catholic priest in Villupuram, who is fighting
for their rights. "Each family of Puthirai Vannar works for a certain number of
dalit families in a village. They work hard round the year, washing their
clothes and doing other menial jobs that is required of them by tradition. But
they don't receive their wages in cash. Once in a year, each dalit household
they work for, gives them about 25 kilos of paddy. That's about it," he says.

There is of course the daily allowance - again in kind. It is the traditional
practice of Puthirai Vannars to go around the dalit homes, every morning and
evening, begging for food. Rosamma from Cuddalore says, "We cry out standing
outside the dalit houses, 'amma, soru podunga amma' (amma, please give some
food.) They give us leftover food which we collect in a vessel." For many, it's
a daily khichdi meal - of leftover food from dalit houses. Though in some
villages this shameful practice has finally ended, in many others the tradition
still continues.

National Dalit Conference Proves Christian Conversions a Sham

http://www.christian...82917&type=news

MADURAI
Monday August 8 2005
newindpress.com

Political empowerment alone will not help end the historical and cultural injustice being meted out to Dalits in India.

It is possible only by working out an agenda for the overall liberation of Dalits by sustaining their cultural identity, said S Karuppiah, secretary of the Village Educational Service Association (VESA), here, on Sunday.

He was briefing reporters about a three-day national conference held at Kerala on ‘Dalit culture and politics of resistance’. The conference was organised jointly by the Dalit Intellectual Collective, Delhi, Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, Mumbai, and VESA. He said that Dalit politics and politicians by and large have adopted a negative and antagonistic attitude in order to resolve their problems.

Refuting claims that religious conversion of Hindu Dalits to Christianity or other religions had brought about a change in their socio-economic status, he said, ‘‘Dalit Christians are fighting for equal rights and concessions alongside Hindu Dalits as there has been no end to discrimination against them.’’

http://peacejournali...?ArticleID=5134
BY DILLIRAM KHATIWADA

JAGATPUR (SAPTARI), Aug 22 - A group of Maoists raped over two-dozen women of a
dalit settlement in Jagatpur-4 at gunpoint last week and threatened to
"completely destroy" the hamlet in case they disclosed the crime. The incident
came to light only on Monday.

WHERE R OUR DALIT HEROS AND CHAMPIONS !

About two dozen Maoists, who had come here five days ago, raped females of ages
between 22 and 35 years of age, some of whom are mothers of three to four
children. Nine victims recounted the harrowing experience in front of a group of
human rights activists and journalists who reached the village on Monday.

"They (Maoists) told us to prepare food in the beginning," said Shyam Kumari
(name changed), adding, "After they had eaten, they forcibly carried us inside
the houses and perpetrated the heinous act in front of other family members."
She was raped in front of her father and mother-in-law.

The youth of the village had left the area long time back due to increasing
Maoist activities and only children, women and the elderly remain in the village
now. There are about 25 dalit families in the village, in the north of the Koshi
river bank. Locals are terrified after the incident. "If they know that we told
you about the incident, they will come and kill us," said one of the victims,
sobbing.

After word spread about the heinous act, the Maoist leadership of the area came
to the victims and "apologized". "They prostrated themselves at the victims'
feet begging forgiveness and also pledged to take action against those
involved," said 65-year-old Gopali Khang, father-in-law of a victim.

Babaji Das, a local, said Maoists had carried out mass rapes on previous
occasions also, but threats of Maoist reprisal had sealed their lips.

"Although similar incidents have been taking place since long here, the locals
have finally opened their mouths as it has crossed all limits now," said Shankar
Giri, a local social worker. The terrorized locals have also asked human rights
organizations and journalists to help ensure security for them.

The Kathmandu Post.

From: "Kalavai Venkat" <history_judge@...>
Date: Mon Aug 29, 2005  8:16 pm
Subject: Re: Kancha illiah against Christianity: check out - groups.google.com/group/DalitFreedomNetwork  history_judge
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Dear Ayush,

Refer: http://groups.yahoo....n/message/79278

<<<Do you have any diagnosis as to why a " whole community" whose
roots are in Sanatana Dharma could have behaved that way ?>>>

First about DFN. Just as Dalitstan is an ISI sponsored, Southern
Baptist funded front based in Kansas, DFN is another missionary
front based in CO. A friend had called them at their toll free
number 1-866-921-1333. An American employee named Nikki answered. My
friend introduced himself as a journalist from Mumbai and asked if
DFN has any contact office in India. She replied, "It is All India
Christian Council. You can contact them. Their email ID is
info@..." When asked whom one should talk to in the USA
for a position paper on `Dalit' Christian women's emancipation, she
responded if this friend would like to talk to their Overseas
Evangelical Communications Manager, or if she could transfer the
call to AICC functionaries in India. She didn't know that AICC had
any phone number in India, so in all likelihood, it is a paper
office run by American missionaries. So, the supposed AICC
functionaries quite likely are residing in the USA.

Any of you can repeat the same experiment.

Friends, NONE of the organization which uses the word `Dalit' is
representative of Harijans. Ilaiah and Udit Raj are frauds on
American missionary payroll. These have absolutely no base among the
Harijans. They are merely doing the hack job for the American
missionaries in return for massive compensation. These guys can
never go against Christianity because the missionaries are paying
them huge money. It is a disgrace that Hindus are unable to see
through this decoy. How could anyone opposing missionary activities
negotiate with `Dalits?' Every person who uses the word `Dalit' is
harming Hinduism and playing into the hands of the missionary. If
you don't like Harijan, please use SC.

Now to Ayush's question.

The societies of the past were not individualistic as some of
today's societies are. It was always a collective decision. The same
feature helped countless jatis to upgrade themselves from Harijan
status to Brahmin Varna in less than 20 years [more on this, with
supporting data, in my forthcoming September article]. The reason is
not hard to understand. Today, one can break away from societal
norms and yet find a spouse. In the past, such digressions would
have negated one's chance of finding matrimonial alliance. The same
could be said of all other aspects of life. So, entire jatis, which
were anyway biologically related endogamous units, made a collective
decision. Unlike what the missionary history tells us, the past was
full of negotiated collective settlements.

Many jatis valued dharma over treason. This is why every time the
Muslims invaded, Jat youth died by thousands challenging the
invaders and left behind a trail of wailing widows. Those jatis
lived a life of honor and earned their place in the society. On the
other hand, some jatis quickly concluded, seeing the might of the
Muslim invader, that opportunism and treason would help them. They
quickly sided with them. In particular, the highly vocal `Dalit'
jatis like Mahar, Paraiyah and Chamar are extremely guilty on this
count. As Ludra has argued with solid data, these very jatis that
gleefully sided with the Muslims are unwilling to take up the
patriotic job of joining Indian army. Muslim invasions were
accompanied by unspeakable plunder and loot. The jatis which joined
the invader did so to share the loot.

Now, why is that some jatis stood by dharma while others had not?
The answer is in the kind of leadership and value systems those
jatis had. Why did the fragile community of Sri Vaishnavas of Sri
Rangam which faced the Muslim onslaught of the 14th century, without
any wherewithal, and lost 13,000 of their folks to the Islamic sword
make such sacrifices? They valued dharma, honor and their sacred
texts over shameful treason. Many of the Sri Vaishnava texts that
have come to us did so through single copies of manuscripts which
the Sri Vaishnava scholars hid under corpses of their own kith and
kin. Survivors retrieved the manuscripts after the Muslims left with
the spoils. Muslims sacked Sri Rangam but not before every Sri
Vaishnava Arya Bhatta, untrained in swordsmanship and completely
outnumbered, took to sword and died defending the gates of the
temple of his beloved Sri Ranganatha. The Koil Ozhugu account is
heart rending.

Also, if there was a good leadership within a jati, even if there is
no consensus, if a sizeable chunk listened to the leadership, they
broke away to emerge on top of the heap in the society in a dharmic
manner. Some time back, another list member gave me in private the
example of a branch of Tamil Paraiyah jati, who broke away in the
13th or 14th century, invaded Kerala and called themselves Valluva
Kon. As you might be aware, Valluva are a sub sect of Paraiyah –
Tiruvalluvar was a Paraiyah and that Kon means king or Kshatriya.
This faction negotiated and secured matrimonial rights and Kshatriya
status and emerged as today's top dog of Kerala: Menon!

I am tempted to speculate if there is a relationship between this
13th or 14th century breakaway and the Islamic invasion? Was a
section of the Paraiyah jati, an erstwhile distinguished right-
handed regiment, seeking a new identity because it was ashamed of
the treason of the other section of the jati?

Earlier I have discussed examples from dharmashastras and srauta
texts where some communities which are Brahmins today had been
declared mlecchas and non-Arya in the distant past. Every jati that
has ascended the hierarchy in the society earned it the hard way
through exemplary leadership and display of honor. Deviation from
the norms of dharma resulted in the loss of status of a jati. Every
jati that came to be despised has only itself to blame.

Hinduism has never been static. Dharma is something to work hard
for. If Hindus are serious about preserving their culture and
society, they should muster the courage to discuss the historic
facts as above. They shouldn't suck up to the destructive `Dalit'
activists, who have no social base. Even Ambedkar, also a fraudulent
missionary front man, didn't have any base outside his own Mahar
jati. He would've disappeared as a frustrated footnote had not the
idiot Rajendra Prasad bestowed him with generous offer. Sadly,
Hindus suck up to every thug even when it should be obvious that
they are missionary front men out to destroy Hinduism.

As I said earlier, anybody calling himself `Dalit' must be treated
with contempt and there shall be no discussion with him whatsoever.
Treat the Harijan with utmost respect.

Thanks.

From: "koenraad_elst" <koenraad.elst@...>
Date: Thu Aug 25, 2005  5:52 am
Subject: Re: Dalit Racism?  koenraad_elst
Offline Offline
Send Email Send Email
--- In IndianCivilization@yahoogroups.com, "Arun Salim"
<bodhiraksa@y...> wrote:
> I have just finished reading some copies of "Dalit Voice, The Voice
of
> the Persecuted Nationalities Denied Human Rights".
>
> Many of the articles are in praise of Hitler and vehemently anti-
> Semitic.
> Typical headlines are, "Jewish stranglehold on Germany. Wanted, a
> Hitler for India", "Zionists surpass Nazis in cruelty","Zionists
devour
> Christian West" and so on.
>
> There is a rave review of the book "Hitler Not Worst Villain of 20th
> Century as painted by Zionists" by Iqbal Ahmed Sharif, Advocate.
>
> Dalit Voice is similar in content to many neo-Nazi publications and I
> wonder if Dalits take it seriously or if it is only part of a Dalit
> lunatic fringe.<


I already wrote a critique of DV, to the same effect as your
observations here, in 1993 and again in a section of The Saffron
Swastika, 2001. I've lost sight of the fortnightly since then, but in
the 1990s its main support base was the Christian mission, and only in
second order the Dalit-wooing sections of Islam such as the Hyderabad
(ex-Razakar) Majlis-i-Ittihad-al-Muslimin. Many of editor VT Rajshekar
Shetty's booklets are but the text of his lectures given in Christian
forums. Christian mission papers in the West favourably quoted him,
keeping his more scandalous utterances out of view. I don't know if
they still do, have at any rate not noticed it anymore; in fact, I make
bold that my own exposing him and the Church's collusion with him have
made a difference.

Rajshekar, who is of course not a Dalit by birth, is a kind of Nazi in
two senses. Firstly, his explicit anti-Semitism, mentioned by you, and
also mentioned by Prof. Poliakov (with whom I was regularly in touch in
the last years before his passing) in his study of anti-Semitism 1945-
94 as the only instance of Indian anti-Semitism. Secondly, his copying
of anti-Semitic discourse in his own anti-Brahmin discourse. Thus, the
view of banker capitalism and bolshevism as two tentacles of a single
Jewish conspiracy is mirrorred in Rajshekar's view of Indian communism
and Hindutva as two co-ordinated tentacles of a neo-Brahminical
conpiracy.

When I gave a talk in Bangalore (where he is based) in 1996, I
personally invited him. At first he agreed, but on the day itself he
suddenly came up with very bizarre excuses, starting with the
inevitable RSS presence at the location as a reason to fear for his
life if he showed up, and then actually hid from me (his wife telling
me on the phone that he had to go and see his sister, then his sister
telling me on the phone that he had just left etc.). Maybe the
protagonists of Hindutva aren't such bright lights, but at least their
enemies aren't very impressive minds and characters either.

KE

RSS slams ‘Hindu hypocrisy and upper caste arrogance’
Sunday, September 04, 2005
New Delhi, September 4: In an unusually hard talk, the RSS has blamed ‘Hindu hypocrisy and upper caste arrogance’ for the recent arson in Gohana town of Haryana in which several Dalit houses were set ablaze and even indirectly attacked BJP leaders for not applying the ‘soothing balm’ on the wounds of the victims.

“Even if we try to view the incident in Gohana, removed from the political angle, it reflects the hypocrisy of the Hindu society and the cheapness and arrogance, which goes against national interests, of the so-called upper castes,” Tarun Vijay, editor of RSS mouthpiece Panchjanya said in a write-up in the latest issue.

Maintaining that the incident was ‘neither surprising nor new,’ he said the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan were victims of ‘deep rooted hatred and neglect’.

“The so-called upper castes cover up all their misdeeds overtly and covertly through their fellow clansmen in the administration and media. Irrespective of parties and their colours, they are all alike when it comes to atrocities on the deprived sections,” it said.

Referring to the BJP’s September 1 decision to send a ‘fact-finding team’ to Gohana, he said, “the incident took place on August 27. The houses were set on fire on August 31. The news dominated every newspaper and television channel but till now, we have not heard of a single important Hindu political or social leader having visited the area and applied balm on the wounds of the deprived sections”.
www.expressindia.com/full...wsid=53945

A faultline of Dalit politics
- By Amulya Ganguli

The Indian propensity to seek help from abroad for our domestic problems has a long history. The Communists routinely ran to their masters in Moscow and Beijing to ask for guidance in the conduct of their revolution. There were apparently more Khalistanis in the US, Canada and Britain than in Punjab.

The Nagas seem to prefer foreign locations for both running their insurgency and conducting their negotiations with the Centre. Other northeastern rebels have their bases in Burma or Bangladesh. Now, a section of the Dalits has taken their grouses to the US. In this group are an aspiring politician, Udit Raj, and an academic, Kancha Ilaiah. Not surprisingly, their endeavour has met with a measure of success.

Forever eager to poke their noses into the affairs of others, some American Congressmen have evinced an interest in taking up the causes of the "depressed classes," as the "untouchables" were earlier known. A resolution, prepared by the US house committee on international relations and the US human rights committee, has highlighted the continuing "atrocities" against the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and has promised to end the "discriminations" against them. "It is in the interest of the United States," the resolution says, "to address the problem of the treatment of the groups outside the caste system � in order to better meet our mutual economic and security goals."

Needless to say, much of this is simply hot air, which will be quietly dissipated without making an impact either in India or in the US. As the other ideological or community-based groups have found to their dismay, both overt and covert assistance from abroad is more a disadvantage than of any genuine value.

It can help to sustain an odd outfit or two, but the main drawback is that links of this nature, as in the case of the Communists and the Khalistanis, tend to create a gulf between the champions of a cause and their popular base. Help from America can prove to be particularly disadvantageous because its motives are almost always suspect.

As the linkage between America�s and the Dalits� "economic and security goals" suggests, sections in the Washington establishment may be looking for an opportunity to flaunt its concerns for the plight of the "untouchables" to wheedle its way into the Indian social and political system. That any such attempt will not make the US a favourite of either the Indian government or the Indian intelligentsia is patent enough.

It has been a feature of Dalit politics that the community has not always been served well by its leaders. One reason was their excessive preoccupation with their own community to the exclusion of everyone else. Evidence of this attitude could be seen in the offensively-worded slogan of the Bahujan Samaj Party: Tilak, tarazu aur talwar; inko maro joote char, meaning beat the Brahmins, Banias and Thakurs with shoes. As a result of such exclusivity, the distance between the Dalits and the mainstream public opinion was evident even in Ambedkar�s time.

Ambedkar had no compunctions, for instance, in being a member of the Viceroy�s advisory council in 1941, having joined Jinnah earlier in hailing the resignation of the Congress ministries after the outbreak of World War II as a "day of deliverance." Although Gandhi admitted that Ambedkar had "every right to be bitter � that he does not break our heads is an act of self-restraint on his part," the intense preoccupation of the Dalit leaders with their own community has made them adopt distinctive positions which few other religious or linguistic groups have done.

An evidence of this mentality can be discerned in Ambedkar�s assertion that "I have another loyalty to which I am bound and which I can never forsake. That loyalty is (to) the community of untouchables, in which I am born, to which I belong, and which I hope I shall never desert. And I say this � as strongly as I possibly can, that whenever there is any conflict of interests between the country and the untouchables, so far as I am concerned, the untouchables� interests will take precedence over the interests of the country. I am not going to support a tyrannising majority simply because it happens to speak in the name of the country."

Ambedkar�s fears about a "tyrannising majority" were the same as Jinnah�s. The concept of democratic governance may have also been unclear to them since their political instincts had been shaped by the long years under a "tyrannising" colonial rule and the rise and rise of a single party, the Congress, which unquestionably displayed authoritarian tendencies. But whatever the mitigating factors, the placement of the interests of his community above those of the country is not something which can be easily endorsed.

But what is distressing is that a new generation of Dalit leaders � self-appointed or otherwise � has revealed the same mindset because of their obsession with their community. True, there are other community-based parties in India, notably the Muslim League and the Akali Dal, as also caste-based parties like the RJD and the Samajwadi Party.

Then, there are parties like the BJP and the Shiv Sena which mainly represent a religious community, as well as parties like the two Dravida Kazhagams and the Telugu Desam which represent certain regions. But they are unlikely to take their problems abroad.

Aware that a democracy does not allow a "tyrannising majority," they are intent on battling their political adversaries within India and would be deeply embarrassed if any of their members sought help from a foreign power. Even among the Dalits, their topmost leaders like Mayawati, who likes to describe herself as a "living goddess," and Ram Vilas Paswan have kept their activities confined to India. Mayawati has also virtually disowned her party�s slogan quoted above, having realised that to make headway in a democracy, one cannot alienate anyone. But an even greater sin than sectarianism is to run abroad for help.

Women give Karva Chauth a beauty touch
Avijit Ghosh & Neelam Raaj

[ Friday, October 21, 2005 12:49:09 amTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]
NATHUPUR, SONEPAT: In Haryana's Nathupur, if it's Karva Chauth, a trip to the beauty parlour's a must. Fasting and facials, bleaches and benedictions go hand in hand. And Suman Devi, who runs a cottage beauty business, literally, hasn't been busier.

In the past two days, customers of all castes and age have eagerly trooped in. "Quite a few of them are Dalits," says the beautician. Barely a furlong away, mirror and mehndi are the points of attention in a Dalit home. Generation Next housewives in a Valmiki household are decking up for the day.

Meena, an attractive 20-something, has taken out her wedding finery while younger sister Reena, also married into the same family, puts on her lipliner. "These days, most Dalits do the Karva Chauth. And we do it in the same style as the savarnas (upper castes)."

It wasn't always like this. A decade ago only the brahmin and baniya women celebrated Karva Chauth in these parts of Sonepat district. But times have changed. Now, the Dalits not only observe the fast, they splurge. Some go to Narela, located on the western periphery of Delhi, to buy their saris, jewellery and make-up.

In fact, a Dalit woman also runs one of the three beauty parlours in the village and boasts of a clientele that includes jats and brahmins. Caste doesn't come in the way of business for village bangle-seller Sharda Bansal either.

"Many Dalits come to me to buy bangles for the festival," she says. Bansal has been too busy plying her trade to perform her own afternoon ritual of listening to the katha. "I have sold bangles worth Rs 1,500 to about 80 women today," she says.

NEW DELHI: Expressing concern over caste-based political and social conflicts, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has urged Hindus to "get rid of this evil at the earliest".

"Hindu society should take all necessary measures to ensure entry and access to every Hindu, irrespective of his caste, to their homes, temples, religious places, public wells, ponds, and other public places," a resolution adopted at the three-day national executive meeting of the RSS said.

Appealing for social harmony and Hindu brotherhood, the organisation warned the community against the political parties, which it said had been drawing "political benefits" out of casteism.

"Inventing caste based new conflicts in the Hindu society for the sake of political benefits has become a trend of many politicians these days."

"Treacherous elements are also joining hands in this. To create the vote banks, these politicians are encouraging caste-based rivalries, which result in creation of various caste based clashes," the resolution said.

The RSS also has urged the political parties to keep away from "caste politics" which caused "deep divisions" in the society and to give an "Indian culture" to the democracy.

Citing instances from the Hindu epics it said the religion always stood for lower caste people.

"No religion or sect is inferior to others. The whole society should be aware that every sect and caste of Bharat has a glorious history."

The national executive has appealed to all sects and castes that they should not look down on other sects and castes. "The entire society should fully realize the essence of 'Na Hinduh Patito Bhavet' (No Hindu shall ever come to grief)," the resolution said

www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=102&page=5
US dalit hearing simply scandalous
By Sandhya Jain
Successive Indian governments have failed to protest America’s propensity to misuse human rights issues for politically motivated calumny against nations it seeks to undermine to serve its foreign policy objectives. Shamefully, large sections of the Indian elite also betray unseemly desperation to report against the nation to US human rights committees, usually as quid pro quo for funds for their agenda-driven NGOs.

Yet, even by the standards of its normally invasive diplomacy, the US Congress’ decision to appoint a sub-committee on “India’s Unfinished Agenda: Equality and Justice for 200 Million Victims of the Caste System,” is simply scandalous. Not only does it construe a gross interference in our internal affairs, it is also an attempt to influence the Indian Supreme Court hearing on reservation rights for dalit converts to religions like Christianity, which admit that they discriminate against dalit adherents!

In these circumstances, the silence of the Indian government, remote-controlled by the Roman Catholic Italy-born Sonia Gandhi, is disturbing. So is the silence of major political parties, especially those that claim a special affinity for dalits. In fact, the Indian political spectrum as a whole would do well to evolve a consensus on the issue of external interest in India, if the country is serious about being considered as a candidate for the Security Council. In this regard, it would be instructive to see how the Chinese government gives America tit-for-tat in the matter of its highly slanted human rights reports.

Actually, America has much to hide regarding its human rights record, particularly vis-à-vis the Native American population (what is left after the genocide by White settlers) and the former slaves imported from Africa. The shocking delay in providing relief to Katrina hurricane victims hardly needs recalling.

The silence of the Indian government, remote-controlled by the Roman Catholic Italy-born Sonia Gandhi, is disturbing. So is the silence of major political parties, especially those that claim a special affinity for dalits.

China, however, does not stomach America’s supercilious ways. When the US Congressional Executive Commission on China recently released its annual report, Beijing condemned it as “wanton interference” in its internal affairs and presented its own report on the human rights situation in USA. The document is voluminous (the Chinese are thorough), but even a few cursory examples suffice to show how self-respecting nations protect their honour. The “Human Rights Record of the United States in 2004,” released by China’s State Council on March 3, 2005, shows the dark side of the Statue of Liberty.

China points out that American society is notorious for rampant violent crimes, and that there is little security of life and liberty in that country. It cites a report of the US Department of Justice (November 29, 2004) that in 2003, citizens aged 12 years and above experienced about 24 million victimisa-tions. Giving statistics of several cities, China said America has the largest number of gun owners and gun violence increasingly takes a toll of innocent lives. About 31,000 Americans are killed and 75,000 wounded by firearms each year, which means more than 80 people are shot dead each day. Police violence is an equally serious problem.

China has made a fascinating observation! In the past decade America spent US $ 7 billion annually to build new jails and prisons. California got one college and 21 new prisons after 1984! This is because jails are a lucrative business, with a combined staff of more than 530,000, they are the second largest employer in America after General Motors. There are over 100 private prisons in 27 states and 18 private prison companies. As a result, the value of goods and services created by inmates surged from $ 400 million in 1980 to $ 1.1 billion in 1994.

As for jail conditions, in many states inmates are routinely stripped in front of others before being moved to a new prison. Male inmates are often made to wear women’s pink underwear as a form of humiliation. New inmates are frequently beaten and sometimes made to crawl. The conditions of women prisoners are naturally worse. Sexual harassment is common. The New York Times reported last October that at least 13 per cent of inmates are sexually assaulted in prison (October 12, 2004).

The Chinese government has made a detailed analysis of the political manipulation by the rich in the electoral process, the astronomical costs of elections, and the resultant favours to corporations as a result of election funding. Most poignant among the flaws in the US election system is the newly adopted Help America Vote Act of 2004, which requires voters to produce a series of documents such as a stable residence and thus effectively disenfranchises thousands of homeless people. America refuses to ratify the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and is home to poverty, hunger and homelessness, in spite of being the world’s richest country. From 1970 to 2000 (adjusted for inflation), average incomes of the bottom 90 per cent stagnated but those of the top 10 per cent experienced an increase of nearly 90 per cent (The Baltimore Sun, July 6, 2004).

Racial discrimination is of course very deeply ingrained and Black murder victims are five-times White victims; Blacks affected by AIDS are 10 times Whites (National Urban League, March 24, 2004). The number of Black people living in poverty is three-times that of the Whites. Apartheid is still rampant in schools (Schools and Lives Are Still Separate, The Washington Post, May 17, 2004).

The situation of American women and children is hardly reassuring. FBI Crime Statistics show that in 2003, there were 93,233 rape cases; virtually 63.2 in every 100,000 women are victims of assault. The number of abused women treated at First Aid Centers exceeds one million every year. More than 1,500 women in the US are killed every year by their husbands, lovers or roommates; nearly 78 per cent American women are physically victimised at least once in their lifetime. Sex crimes are on the rise in military as well. Women soldiers have been raped or sexually harassed in Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Afghanistan, and other military bases.

As for children, every year nearly 400,000 children in the US are forced to engage in prostitution or other sexual dealings on the streets (The USA Today, February 27, 2004). Then, there are scandals about clergymen molesting children. Actually, the list is endless.

One strong Hindu can

M.Gandhi on caste and related matters:

If the Shudras (low castes) leave their ancestral profession and take up
others, ambition will rouse in them and their peace of mind will be
spoiled. Even their family peace will be disturbed. (Hind Swaraj).

I don't believe the caste system to be an odious and vicious dogma. It has
its limitations and defects, but there is nothing sinful about it.
(Harijan, 1933).

I believe in Varnashrama (caste system) which is the law of life. The law
of Varna (color and / or caste) is nothing but the law of conservation of
energy. Why should my son not be scavenger if I am one? (Harijan,
3-6-1947).

He (Shudra, low caste) may not be called a Brahmin (uppermost caste),
though he (Shudra) may have all the qualities of a Brahmin in this birth.
And it is a good thing for him (Shudra) not to arrogate a Varna (caste) to
which he is not born. It is a sign of true humility. (Young India,
11-24-1927).

According to Hindu belief, he who practices a profession which does not
belong to him by birth, does violence to himself and becomes a degraded
being by not living up to the Varna (caste) of his birth. (Young India,
11-14-1927).

As years go by, the conviction is daily growing upon me that Varna (caste)
is the law of man's being, and therefore, caste is necessary for
Christians and Muslims as it has been necessary for Hinduism, and has been
its saving grace. (Speech at Trivandrum, (Collection of Speeches),
Ramanath Suman (1932)).

I would resist with my life the separation of "Untouchables" from the
caste Hindus. The problem of the "Untouchable" community is of
comparatively little importance. (London Round Table Conference 1931.)

I call myself a Snatana man, one who firmly believes in the caste system.
(Dharma Manthan, p 4).

I believe in caste division determined by birth and the very root of caste
division lies in birth. (Varna Vyavastha, p 76-77).

The four castes and the four stages of life are things to be attained by
birth alone. (Dharma Manthan, p 5).

Caste means the predetermination of a man's profession. Caste implies that
a man must practice only the profession of his ancestors for his
livelihood. (Varna Vyavstha, p 28, 56, 68).

Shudra only serves the higher castes as a matter of religious duty and who
will never own any property. The gods will shower down flowers on him.
(Varna Vyavastha, p 15).

I have noticed that the very basis of our thought have been severely
shaken by Western civilization which is the creation of the Satan. (Dharma
Manthan, p 65).

How is it possible that the Antyaja (outcastes) should have the right to
enter all the existing temples? As long as the law of caste and karma has
the chief place in the Hindu religion, to say that every Hindu can enter
every temple is a thing that is not possible today. (Gandhi Sikshan, Vol.
11, p 132).

There are I am sorry to say, many Hindu temples in our midst in this
country, which are no better than brothels. The caste system can't be
said to be bad because it does not allow inter-dining and inter-marriages
in different castes. (Gandhi by Shiru, p129).


The caste system, in my opinion, has a scientific basis. Reason does not
revolt against it. It has disadvantages. Caste creates a social and moral
restraint - I can find no reason for their abolition. To abolish caste is
to demolish Hinduism. There is nothing to fight against the Varnasharma
(caste system). I don't believe the caste system to be an odious and
vicious dogma. It has its limitations and defects, but there is nothing
sinful about it. (Harijan, 1933).

These quotes would suggest that Gandhi was a life-time proponent and
practicener of untouchability and a rigid varna system.

That is not true.

Thse quotes judge Gandhi unfairly. Tha fact is that he was one of
the most important contributer to the realization that
the "untouchables" have not been justly treated in India. He
specifically worked for the untouchables. He toured all over India
for this task, including my own town in 1933.

There is a view, that only the work of an "untouchable" should be
considered to be of value towards improvements of conditions of
their community. This is unfair. Let Gandhi's work be acknowledged.

Gandhi's writings should not to be taken as his final word, and
certainly not as a scripture to his followers. He himself wrote so
in his autobiography.

I know many people, even today, who would not clean their own
toilets. Indian students who come to USA are surprized and shocked
that they are expected to clean their own toilets. Gandhi, not only
cleaned toilets himself, he made his wife do that.

One of Gandhi's son (presumably a Vaishya, although I'll have to
check that in orthodox texts) married a daughter of Rajaji, very
well known to be a Brahmin, in gross violation of the anoloma rules.
He adapted a "Harijan" girl, and raised her for some time.

Gandhi wasn't a great scholar of Hindu shastras, in fact he wasn't a
scholar. But he was an independent thinker, and by his personal
example, he altered Hinduism itself. He thus, in a sense, become a
law-giver.

Gandhi was simply wrong about the four varnas. That fact is that the
existance of four well-defined varnas today is a myth. The
communities (endogamus groups or biradaris) exist; but there is no
reasonable way to classify them into four varnas such that a
majority of the people (or scholars) would agree.

I have carefully analyzed the royal dynasties of Kashmir, since in
case of Kashmir we do have a detailed chronicle. In an overwhelming
majority of cases, the royal families were definitely not of
Kshatriya descent.

There are several ways of judging a community's varna. According to
orthodox texts, Swami Vivekananda, Dr. Rajendra Prasad (President),
Sardar Patel, Chhatrapati Shivaji, etc. were all shudras. The fact
is that the varna system has been long obsolete. Even when it may
have been applicable, there were numerous exceptions and thus the
authors of dharma-shastras were forces to classify these communities
among the varna-sanakras.

Even though Gandhi did write in support of the four varnas, the fact
is that by his actions, he demonstrated the inapplicability of the
varna system. He was a philosoper, a soldier, a merchant and a
sweeper at the same time. From what I have heard from people who
were alive in his time, his leadership was nearly universally
acknowledged by Hindus, and many non-Hindus as well.

Yashwant

Gandhi was against untouchability, yes, but certainly very much for caste.
He was all for "granting untouchables" some kind of honorary Shudra
status, but that was about it.
I suggest you see the film "Badlav ke chaah" by V.Rawat where he
interviews Bhagwan Das - author of "Main Bhangi Hoon" and probably the
greatest Indian alive today. In the film Bhagwan Das clearly explains
Gandhi's point of view - he says that yes Gandhi did clean his own toilet,
and made visitors to his ashrams do so - but several times, at least twice
in speeches, urged people of the Bhangi caste to do their duty (of
cleaning toilets) lest they be born in their next lives cleaning even more
filth!
Surely Bhagwan Das is more of an "expert" on these matters than
you can ever hope to be (not having been born Bhangi, or Mehtar, Jamedar,
Valmiki, Arundattiyar, Dom ... or the many castes doomed to clean by
virtue of Hindu "dharma" dictates). However I congradulate you on the
disquiet you obviously feel about this whole evil, though I do wish you
would not play firefighter for Gandhi.
Shiva Shankar.

You want to take a quote by an activist and use that to judge
Gandhi. You want to judge Gandhi exclusively by using carefully
clipped quotes. What about what Gandhi did for years? Why do want to
ignore that?

Yes, I am not a Bhangi. That should not make that fact that Gandhi
worked to eradicate untouchability, irrelevanat.

Does one have to be a Dalit to do anything to impact them?

I did work as a janitor's assistant as a student in USA at one time,
incidentally. That is a job that needs to be done, and somebody
needs to do it. Late Jaiprakash Narayan did it when he was a student
in USA.

It would appear to me that many leaders, though themselves Dalit,
have not done much to help Dalits.

Hindu dharma does not dictate. Social customs and economic
conditions do. Hinduism is not based on a book, it is not even a
religion. The dharmashatras are not scriptures, they are opinions of
specific scholars.


In Hinduism, anyone may teach a new philosophy, and can become an
acharya of a new sect. Basavanna, a Brahmin, started the Lingayat
sect, that rejects brahmanical traditions including the vedas.
Ghasidas, a dalit, started the Satnami sect. Kabir, who was not
even a raised a Hindu, started Kabirpanth. Ammachi Amritanandamayi
of Kerala, a dalit, has started her own sampradaya.

Christian and Islamic texts have been used to justify slavery. That
doesn't mean that a Christian or Muslim has to accept slavery today.
Those who are opposed to slavery today, are not expected to renounce
the Bible, if they are Christian.

I would disagree with Gandhi about several things, however I think
he deserves due credit for he did.

Yashwant

Late Swami Saswatikananda, a leader of the Ezhava
community in Kerala told a few years ago that caste is
the foundation of Hinduism, the main ideology.
So he was calling himself and followeres as Sree
Narayanites, the dusciples of Sree Narayana Guru.
One is born in a lower case because of his sins in the
past life. So without many births how can one change
that?

On Sat, 29 Oct 2005, ymalaiya wrote:

> I did work as a janitor's assistant as a student in USA at one time,
> incidentally. That is a job that needs to be done, and somebody needs to
> do it. Late Jaiprakash Narayan did it when he was a student in USA.


Yes, we should hang our heads in shame that while it is all right to work
as a janitor in the US of A, here people doing a similar job are treated
as "untouchables". Moreover it is a job reserved for some by birth!
And it explains why you never will or why Mr.Narayan never had
contemplated doing this job "that needs to be done" here in India.


> Hindu dharma does not dictate. Social customs and economic conditions
> do. Hinduism is not based on a book, it is not even a religion. The
> dharmashatras are not scriptures, they are opinions of specific
> scholars.


So what if Hinduism is not based on A book? You say it as if it is some
kind of virtue. Give me Buddhism any day, based on the Dhammapada, and
which does dictate that all people are equal and should be treated as
such. Give me the Dhammapada any day which does dictate that there are no
virtues (nor its lack) that are inherited by birth.


> In Hinduism, anyone may teach a new philosophy, and can become an
> acharya of a new sect. Basavanna, a Brahmin, started the Lingayat
> sect, that rejects brahmanical traditions including the vedas.
> Ghasidas, a dalit, started the Satnami sect. Kabir, who was not
> even a raised a Hindu, started Kabirpanth. Ammachi Amritanandamayi
> of Kerala, a dalit, has started her own sampradaya.


So what explains the assault on Dalits by caste hindus? What explains the
gradation based on birth? (And Amritanandamayi is not Dalit.)


> Christian and Islamic texts have been used to justify slavery. That
> doesn't mean that a Christian or Muslim has to accept slavery today.
> Those who are opposed to slavery today, are not expected to renounce the
> Bible, if they are Christian.


You ought to be more bothered about your religion, viz. Hinduism. Starting
with the Rig Veda (where the brahmin is born from the mouth of Brahma, and
the Shudra from the feet) all hindu texts, Gita etc. are obsessed with
"duty", i.e. caste duty.


> I would disagree with Gandhi about several things, however I think he
> deserves due credit for he did.


There were four vows every Congress man and woman had to take to belong to
the party - wear khadi, spin the wheel every day etc. When Ambedkar
suggested to Gandhi that congress people should also be asked to take the
vow that they will not practice untouchability, Gandhi refused!
Yes let us give Gandhi the credit he deserves, but battling caste
is certainly not what he did.
Shiva Shankar.

Dear List Members

My understanding is as follows:


One may recall Sarojini Naidu’s words that it took a great deal of money to keep Mr Gandhi in the poverty that he was accustomed to. In the age of nationalist struggle Gandhi/Nehru alliance served the interests of rulers who financed him. After all whoever pays the piper calls the tune.
Gandhi did not want to demolish the varna system which is another name for the caste system – as Ambedkar noted.
Gandhi thought that Ambedkar was a Brahmin boy who was intemperate in his words. It never occurred to him that a Dalit could have the courage to challenge him.
Gandhi opposed Ambedkar when he put a counter claim stating that he represented Dalits when clearly this was not the case. This made Punjabi Dalit leader Mangoo Ram to make a threat to take a fast unto death.
The only time Gandhi took a fast unto death in connection with the Dalits was when he opposed Ambedkar and blackmailed the latter into Poona Pact.
Gandhi’s Ram Rajaya seemed liked continuation of feudalism to Dalits.
Gandhi’s Theory of the Trusteeship (high castes to hold property in name of everyone – to each according to his needs – the higher castes have higher needs etc. ) seemed like perpetual dependency on high castes i.e. no change in status quo from the last 3000 years. Dalits still look back on Poona Pact and think it as the Theory of Trusteeship in practice.
Gandhi never made a pre-condition of opposing untouchability for his followers.
Dalits find the very word Harijan patronising and insulting.
Every high caste noise made against untouchability and the caste system was in response to the actions undertaken by the untouchables themselves. Why did not the high castes react in this manner 500 years previously, 100 years previously or 20 years previously?
The only way any reformist person/ movement in India can be judged is by the very people whom it was allegedly trying to liberate. In this regard Dalits have already given their historical verdict.
Space does not permit me for a detailed reply, but Ambedkar’s What Gandhi and Congress Have Done to the Untouchables would make a salutary reading for anyone who still thinks that Gandhi did anything positive for Dalits.

Amarjit and Bro.Shiva, thank you for your reply to MR.Gandhi lover, any Gandhi lover is a Varnashrama dharma lover, who doesn't feel ashamed to ill treat his fellow human beings as equals, he must be an animal if one doesn't know how to respect his fellow human being equally

Gandhi might not have done enough. But what he did at
that time, was really revolutionary. because he opened
the path, the harijans or dalits could go further
later to fight for their equality.
I feel that Gandhi could do only that much at that
time. If he stood for the dalits, he would have
alienated the higher castes and thus ending the
independence struggle.
we have to look at things in histrocal perspective.
Joseph g

http://timesofindia....how/1285155.cms
LEADER ARTICLE: Stick To Your Ground
Sri Sri Ravi Shankar
In the village adjacent to the Art of Living ashram, a garbage truck dumps the waste of Bangalore city on the roadside. When the village youth realised this was a major health hazard, they decided to stop this. When the garbage truck came they punctured its tyres, instead of sending it away.

The garbage had to be dumped on the roadside in order for the tyres to be repaired. The purpose of the protest was to chase the truck away, but it ended up achieving quite the contrary. Often, our actions do not bring the desired goal. Instead of taking us towards the goal they take us away from it.

The actions of leaders such as Kancha Illiah have done more harm than good to the cause of Dalit upliftment. It's unfortunate for India that they have taken the issue to the US Congress. In the name of Dalit upliftment, they are pursuing their own personal agenda and damaging the image of the country.

If they are really interested in the betterment of the Dalits, they should work in the villages, instead of going to the US Congress. The only solution to the problem of caste discrimination is to educate people and make them realise that caste by birth is not sanctioned by religion.

This can happen only through grass-roots social reforms, not through foreign inter-ventions. History abounds in instances of reformist movements to address the caste menace in society.

Several saints such as Basavanna from Karnataka, Narayana Guru from Kerala and Swami Dayanand Saraswati of the Arya Samaj are shining examples of people who fought caste. Instead of highlighting such reforms, these people are maligning Hinduism for personal gain.

Rather than converting people to other faiths and running away from Hinduism, the most potent action would be to create Dalit purohits. Brahminism as understood some decades ago doesn't exist anymore. Today, there are innumerable instances of Brahmins serving under Dalit bosses.

No doubt, there are instances of atrocities, but these are not confined to the Dalit community alone. Often the members of upper castes have also been victims of social conflict. There are several instances of sadhus being attacked.

For instance, last year in Uttar Pradesh alone, 20 sadhus were brutally murdered. When the human consciousness is loaded with tension and mistrust, violence can erupt under any pretext. In the absence of ethics and morality, there are atrocities against women and children. Similarly, oppression of the poor is a global problem, not confined just to the Dalit community. It's not just Dalits who are poor; poverty exists among people of all castes. Caste discrimination is a social problem and needs to be addressed through social reforms.

Politicising the issue and presenting a distorted picture of social atrocities to the world community is not going to solve the problem. It will only weaken national resolve to tackle the social menace.

There are thousands of committed soldiers of justice and equality, from among upper castes and NGOs, who are working for the betterment of Dalits. Indian Parliament and state assemblies have a large representation of Dalits. By taking the matter to the US Congress, these so-called community leaders are denigrating Dalit lawmakers.

Udit Raj and Kancha will do well to learn a few things from the US. They have to learn about national pride and progressive attitude from the Americans. There are three million homeless beggars in America, a little over 1% of the
population.

But the American media never publicises it. No blacks, native Indians and minorities have ever asked another country to interfere in their internal matters. Caste discrimination can be solved only through reforms and educating people in human values, not by creating hatred between communities.

For sure, a Hindu hater can never bring about the needed reform in the Hindu society. Hatred will only polarise the society and create civil wars. Without the whole-hearted participation of upper caste people, Dalit empowerment will remain a dream.

The younger generation of upper castes cannot be held respon-sible for the discrimination practised by people of previous generations. If a section of society starts hating the upper castes and blaming them, how can they participate in the empowerment of the Dalits?

It is time to change the strategy. Sixty years ago during Ambedkar's time, when people were not open to change, a revolt was essential. But today, a reform is necessary as a revolt will not work. In the process of reform, people from all castes and communities have to be involved.

A reform is a social phenomenon where people from all caste and communities will have to be motivated to join. Reform can't happen out of anger or hatred; we need a sane mind and a loving approach.

dont know how Indian is this "Indo Asian News Service".. Look at this psyops. I would have reported it -> security was tight and many were turned away. But no, the spin is "Dalits come for Narayanan's funeral, turned away". Sick mofos

Baapana children pick up the inhumanness of Hindu religion quite easily. They are taught that those who love and work with soil are sub-humans; that those who eat meat are mean and so on. In imparting those venomous ideas, the Brahmin mother also plays a major role along with the father-teacher who teaches Veda. So much so that their children are prevented from loving the soil and the people. Day in and day out, the Brahmin ladies never spare any effort in moulding their children into beasts in the later years.

The Brahmins needed to project a person who could rebuild a consent system to contain the Yadava revolts.  The Brahmins created an image of one who was said to have been born and brought up among the Yadavas themselves.  They worked out the strategy of creating a Krishna who was born in a Kshyatriya family and brought up in a Yadava family.  The young Krishna grows up in a Yadava culture, but the political Krishna never identifies himself with Yadava culture.  In no single incident did he stand by the Dalit Bahujans.  It did not matter whether his beloved was a Yadava-Radha, or whether the other Gopikas were Yadavas.  All his legal wives were Kshatriya women.

The fight was between the minority Pandavas (Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas were always a minority - they constitute 15% of the population) and the majority Kauravas.  The hundred Kauravas stood against Brahminical Dharma and represented Dalit bahujans, whereas the five Pandavas represented the Brahminical minority.  In the fight for land (and for the kingdom) Krishna stands by the minority. The majority were not willing to give up the land they acquired through sweat and blood.

Finally, Krishna resorts to violence. After the defeat of the majority in struggle for land, the Gita was used to create a much stronger consent system to ensure that no serious revolts emerged from the Dalit bahujan social base.

Whenever such attempts were made, either by Yadavas or by other Dalit forces, Krishna's Gita was effectively used to manipulate them into submission.

The hundred Kauravas stood against Brahminical Dharma and represented Dalit bahujans

Discriminated Dalits should sue church
Sandhya Jain


Conversions undermine the national interest in the most unimaginable ways, and since the British consciously mooted conversions to Christianity to perpetuate their rule by alienating converts from native society and civilization, discerning Indians would do well do follow the current Supreme Court hearing on a petition demanding reservation benefits to Dalit Christians.


The Constitution provided reservations to former Untouchables to enable them to overcome historic social disadvantages which kept them economically and educationally backward. The reservations were exclusive to adherents of native Indian dharmas because India’s ruling classes had for several centuries successively come from the ranks of invading Islamic and Christian forces, and their coercive tactics had caused conversions from native religious traditions. Native converts did not perceive themselves as neglected or discriminated against in the pre-Independence period, while many native communities suffered degradation as a result of the foreign invasions, and this led to their Untouchable status.


It is equally pertinent that Christianity sought converts on the plea that it did not discriminate between believers, and hence low caste believers would loose the social stigma of their original caste (a claim later picked up by Islam). This was never true historically and the dominant White Western Christianity, particularly Protestant Christianity, practiced the most degrading forms of discrimination on grounds of race, the pinnacle of which was reached in the slave trade, which rested on the premise that other races were sub-human.

In a powerful attack upon Christian racism, Mark L. Perry (The Last War: Racism, Spirituality, and the Future of Civilization, George Ronald, Oxford) highlights the fact that Protestant racism created the phenomenon of the segregation of churches, so that slaves could not become free by converting to Christianity. We need not go into the atrocities perpetuated upon African slaves, but we can easily discern why the Church in India created separate pews and even cremation grounds for Dalit Christians in India, and why their social and economic conditions did not improve after they abandoned their native faith and culture for an alien religion.

Any decision of the Supreme Court extending reservation benefits to Dalit Christians without considering the historical background of Christianity could deal a death blow to the Indian nation as it would actively encourage conversions sponsored by Western Governments seeking cultural and political domination in India.
The Supreme Court would do well to consider that most conversion activities in India are focused on strategic areas (like the north-east) and also upon clusters, with the result that pockets of minority concentration are created, which inexorably force others out.

It is precisely this concentration that makes sedition and partition possible. India has already experienced such a Partition in 1947. That was engendered by the British to nurture the Cold War strategic needs of the West. But the more recent but less studied example of East Timor (which deserves a more detailed examination) shows that conversions were used by Western missionaries to delink Indonesia’s oil-rich portion. The result is that the native people of what the so-called “independent” East Timor have gained nothing, and their oil wealth is being exploited by the White fellow Christians of Australia! India’s Dalit Christians would do well do undertake a world wide study to see if Christianity has benefitted any non-White nation.

At the same time, they might consider it worth their while to sue their respective Churches and parishes, and particularly foreign missionaries like Benny Hinn and Ron Watts, for acts of omission and commission. These should include breach of promise for failing to deliver on the promise of social equality and economic upliftment. Specific grievances should be listed, such as poor educational status. As the Church literally mints money by running schools, colleges and professional institutions throughout the country, it could be compelled to provide free education to children of all Christian families upto graduate level.

Then, as the Church openly maintains separate pews and wine and wafers for Dalit converts, and even separate graveyards, a class action suit on grounds of Caste discrimination – and worse, perpetuation of caste inequalities by its religious leadership – should be moved without delay. This would be on the lines of the sexual abuse cases that are enlivening the social life of parishes across the Western world. After all, if conversion to Christianity has failed to redeem 19 million Dalit Christians from social discrimination and untouchability, and has in fact added to their misery, the Church owes the Dalits an explanation and an apology.

I would like to unequivocally state that as far as the Hindu majority is concerned, Dalit upliftment is a social commitment and a national goal. But when ex-Hindus argue that upper caste converts to Christianity continue to dominate the Christian clergy and laity, they must understand that the Hindu community cannot be held responsible for perpetuation of upper or lower caste identity in another religious group. Hence, Dalit who were lured to the Christian fold to better their social, economic and educational status should rethink their move and return to their traditional cultural moorings.

Given the fact that the present Government is virtually run by UPA chairperson Ms. Sonia Gandhi, I feel uneasy that the Supreme Court has admitted a petition on inclusion of Dalit Christians within the category of Scheduled Caste, especially as this had been rejected by the NDA government in 2002. In fact, at that time the apex Court had ruled that the list of entries in the SC and ST categories under the Presidential Order of 1950 lay within the purview of legislative action and was final and that the courts could not “add or subtract” from the same. Now, however, the UPA Government has appointed the Justice Ranganath Misra Commission as well as the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities to give recommendations on the issue of Dalit Christian reservations. One can only hope that a nationalist perspective will be placed before the Court when it next hears the matter in February 2006.


END

http://socialjustice.ekduniya.net/

DPI, Christian Progressive Movement protest against CSI Bishop


http://news.webindia...90926&cat=India
  
DPI, CPM protest against CSI Bishop
Madurai Tamil Nadu | December 14, 2005 6:43:03 PM IST


The Dalit Panthers of India (DPI) and the Christian Progressive
Movement (CPM) today organised a massive protest against the anti-Dalit
policies of the Church of South India (CSI), intensifying the prolonged
agitation for securing social justice within the Church.

The CPM has put forward a charter of 30 demands, mostly pertaining to
equal opportunities for the marginalised and the Dalits in the
Church-run institutions in the Madurai-Ramnad Diocese.

The CPM has accused the CSI Bishop, Rev Christopher Asir, of
indulging in nepotism and favouritism by appointing his own kith and kin to top
offices in most of the CSI institutions. The Charter was a virtual
chargesheet against the Bishop, listing out the various anti-Dalit steps
and financial bunglings.


DPI General Secretary Thol Thirumavalavan, addressed the day-long
protest meeting held at the Tamukkam Grounds in the morning.

Initially, a protest demonstration was planned on the arterial
Azhagarkoil Road, but with the reluctant Bishop, agreeing for talks to
resolve the issues raised by the CPM, the organisers decided to put it on
hold and instead conduct a protest meeting.

The report of the sixtieth round of the National Sample Survey on “Household Consumer Expenditure in India”, January-June 2004, carried out by the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), show that continuing social inequality in  AMPCE among social groups viz. the ST, SC, OBC and Others are Rs. 431, 487, 564 and 678 respectively for rural India.  The disparity in AMPCE between ST and OBC was about 76, between SC and OBC it was 86. In other words, the ST’s consumption expenditure was 24% lesser than the OBC’s and the SC’s consumption expenditure was 14% less as compare to consumption expenditure of OBC. This was even higher while comparing the scheduled groups with Others.  However, in urban India, the AMPCE was higher as Rs. 954 for ST as compare to all other social groups. For SC it was Rs. 770, Rs. 868 for OBC and Rs. 1326 for Others. Thus, the disparity in AMPCE between ST and OBC was nil rather the OBC spend lesser than the STs. But when comparing this with others there is still gap between ST and Others.  The gap in AMPCE between the SC and the OBC for urban India seems similar trend to rural India where the disparity is significant. Similarly, the disparity between rural and urban for all the social groups evident to be continue with varying degrees for different social groups.



Source: NSS Report No.505, Household Consumption Expenditure in India, 60th Round (Jan-Jun 2004).

According to NSS data, the SCs had a fair share of land ownership in West Bengal (27.6% of SCs share 23.8% of land), Jammu & Kashmir (8% of SCs share 16.5%), Himachal Pradesh (26% of SCs share 14.8% of land), Madhya Pradesh (15% of SCs share 12.9% of land), Tamil Nadu (20% of SCs share13% of land) and Rajasthan (18% of SCs share 12% of land).

In Punjab, Haryana, Kerala, Gujarat and Bihar, the SCs share of land ownership was lower, less than 5% compare to their share of population.

In Punjab, the proportionate share of rural SCs population to total rural population was 32% and their corresponding share of land was only 5%. Where as 68% of Non-SCs share about 95% of land.

SCs in Haryana was 22% and their share of land was only 5% where as the share of others population was 78% and their corresponding share of land was 95%.

The so-called progressive state, Kerala, about 88% of the Non-SCs/STs share almost all the area of land about 96% and only 4% land shared by 13% of SCs/STs.

At all-India level, the proportionate share of SCs, STs in the total population was 16% and 9% and their corresponding share of land are 10% and 12% respectively. Whereas, the Non-SCs/STs population was 75% and their share of land was high 82%.

Source: Report on Some Aspects of Ownership Holdings NSS Report No. 399 (48th Round 1992).

Dalits protested Dalai Lama's statement that says 'Acharya Nagarjuna is an incarnation of Lord Buddha'. Dalits say that the statements meant for receiving the acceptance of Brahmins and other forward castes as Nagarjuna was Brahmin. Even Gaddar took part in the protest in Hyderabad today.

They also raised the point of another Dalai Lama's statement that says both Hindusim and Budhdhism are like twins.

“Sane groups are laughing at the protest of Dalits for their ludicrous approach. Dalai Lama made those statements for communal harmony. But why these dalits make it a chaos? This speaks volumes about the inferiority complex of the dalit communities. They wouldn’t have protested like that”, says Samuel Raju, an auto driver.

“It’s only to boast the identity. Gaddar has no proper job to do now. Hence he is igniting all this disturbing stuff”, says Samarpan Kumar, a citizen of Hyderabad.

“I have no comments. I know little about this stuff”, says Suhail Ahmed, the owner of a café.

http://www.hinduonne...es/05272524.htm

Dalits and Durban - I
By P. Radhakrishnan

It may be your interest to be our masters, but how can it be ours to be your slaves? - Thucydides

THIS QUOTE with which Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, who exposed the numerous Hindu myths, mysticisms and mumbo-jumbo justifying the injustices of Indian society, and tried to instil in the vast masses of India's `outcasts' a sense of confidence, defiance, dignity, freedom, and hope, began his controversial work, `What Congress and Gandhi have done to The Untouchables', is as relevant today as in 1945 when he wrote it.

However, convinced as he was that India's pernicious caste practices have been part of the malignancy of Hindu society which can be extirpated only on Indian soil and only through social reforms and constitutional means, it cannot be gainsaid that in India's changed stature as a sovereign democratic republic Ambedkar himself would have found it ludicrous and even abhorrent to showcase caste, even as tableaux, in an alien land and through a world body of which India is a member-country. More so, as it was mainly because of Ambedkar's initiative as the chief architect of the Indian Constitution that the numerous safeguards for the untouchables and the other weaker sections were enshrined in the Constitution.

The reference is to the United Nations' World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance, to be held in Durban, South Africa, from August 31 to September 7, the confusion and controversy about caste and race as discriminatory categories, and the furore in India and abroad on inclusion of caste in the conference.

Understanding the fallacies underlying this confusion and controversy, and their fallout for India calls for understanding the widely varying postures on caste and race by the proponents and opponents for inclusion of caste in the conference, and the role of the U.N. as a global ``do-gooder''.

Going by press reports, there has been widespread support through social mobilisation, meetings, conferences, and writings in the press for inclusion of caste in the conference. The most prominent and vociferous proponents are the ``Dalit activists'', who are a heterogeneous ensemble. The organisations purportedly representing them include the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, the Republican Party of India, People's Watch, the National Council of Churches in India - the highest body in the country representing different denominations of the Protestants - and so on.  Whether the ``Dalit activists'' are leaders from among the Dalits, or non-Dalits feigning to be self-appointed Dalit leaders of pressure groups, or both is a moot issue. This issue is, however, very important for at least two reasons. One, if the Dalits could spawn such aggressive, articulate, globetrotting, and internationally acclaimed and influential leaders, they would have overcome long ago their precarious plight as the despised and the damned, the depressed and the downtrodden of the caste- ridden Indian society. Two, if evidence and experience are any indication, the ``Dalit cause'' is hard currency for ``Dalit activists'' operating in developed countries, though it is questionable how far the Dalits themselves have been beneficiaries of the Western dole.

Sources would have it that in Geneva several NGOs in special consultative status with the U.N. have been spearheading the movement for inclusion of caste on the agenda for the conference, and a number of organisations have joined forces to form the International Dalit Solidarity Network.

As notable among them are the World Council of Churches, the Lutheran World Federation, and similar organisations from Europe and the U.S., their involvement and vociferous claims are certainly grist to the Hindutva mill. While the initiative of the Church-related organisations is laudable and hopefully indicative of the revival of the long-dormant liberation theology, ignoring for the time being the Hindutva monster, one might ask what the Church-related organisations have been doing to overcome the discriminatory practices among the Indian Christians, in particular Christian converts of Scheduled Caste origin, the persistence of whose disabilities and plight as ``twice alienated'' have necessitated their organised demands for at least the last ten years for treatment as Scheduled Castes so as to enable them to take advantage of the State's affirmative action and special treatment programmes, though here again the initiative of the Church-related organisations has been commendable.

Whether by the Church Council or other organisations, the claims for inclusion of caste in the conference are of two broad streams. The first would have caste as race, caste as worse than race, caste discrimination as racism and more, and so on. The second would have Dalit oppression as worse than racial discrimination; Dalits as victims of centuries-old polluting and stigmatising occupations such as scavenging, persistent discrimination and atrocities, untouchability, social segregation and denial of access to public places and spaces forcing them to live at the margins of society; the history of Dalits as a genealogy of pain captured in the very etymology of the word, and so on.

While all this is true, the claim that the justification for inclusion of caste in the U.N. Conference is to ``internationalise'' Dalit discrimination, raises several issues. One, equating caste with race. As Professor Dipankar Gupta observed in his work `Interrogating Caste: Understanding Hierarchy and Difference in Indian Society', despite some commonalities between caste and race, particularly between the bottom end of the caste system and the segregationist racism, caste and race are vastly different, for which reason, they should not be collapsed into a single analytical category. Important among the differences are the caste system is about 3000 years old, extremely complex based on multiple hierarchies, characterised by the pervasive purity-pollution dichotomy, and graded discrimination. In contrast, racism is of recent origin, and as race is based on phenotypic criteria there can be no dispute about where one belongs in the race hierarchy.

Caste has been under extensive debate and indepth research for several decades now, and the literature on it is probably much more burgeoning than on race. Though race has also been under extensive debate and indepth research and Gunnar Myrdal's `American Dilemma', followed by Oliver Cromwell Cox's `Race: A Study in Social Dynamics' are still probably the most important works on racism, racism is predominantly an American and South African problem, and even here race relations have undergone tremendous changes during the last three decades. So, a U.N. Conference on caste or race or both may not add up.

Two, equating the caste system with Dalits, as if it comprises only Dalits and none else. This is political appropriation of the caste system by ``Dalit activists''. Though Dalits are certainly the worst victims of discrimination, and account for about one- fourth of India's population, their existential problem cannot be isolated from that of the rest of society.

Other traditional caste groups barring Brahmins and probably a few other upper castes have also been victims of the caste system. It is recognising this pervasive nature of discrimination, disparities, and disabilities, that the first all-India Backward Classes (Kaka Kalelkar) Commission of the 1950s recommended reservation for a separate category just above the Scheduled Castes; and it is in keeping with this recommendation that some States such as Tamil Nadu have created the Most Backward Classes category for reservation purposes.

(The writer is Professor, Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai.)

Dalit International -2



The buzz word is: Pluralism; the framework is 'Human Rights'



Yes, 'Human Rights' as espoused by the US Department of State through annual reports attributed to USCIRF. More on this on subsequent parts of the Dalit International.



What motivates and activates Dalit International into a solidarity network?



"All of this is being pushed by Christian groups, who regard Dalits as their most promising constituency. And it's money that attracts Indian converts to this malign programme. Do you imagine that people like Dayal would have ever otherwise travelled Club class, stayed in five-star hotels in NYC and rubbed shoulders with bona fide whites (not a racist in sight among them of course)? And the idea that societies like the US and UK where racism is rife, but its reportage wondrously controlled (I have thirty five years personal experience in Europe) is going to ensure equality for Dalits is laughable except that it is serious for the future integrity of India. These converts are not stupid, they are simply empowered by tainted money, the only way they could make a living and a very good one at that. In practice, few of them are employable to actually do a job of work." (Prof. Gautam Sen, in private communication, 16 Jan. 2006).



Pluralism is the smokescreen for the proselytization efforts couched as 'dalit international'.



This word makes for surprising concordance in the choice of phrases for two apparently disparate individuals: One is Diana Eck and the other is Mike Ghouse.



What links both of them? California Textbook Controversy —either directly as in the case of Diana Eck or through Raju Rajagopal in the case of Mike Ghouse.


The title of the website is: Pluralism Project maintained by Diana Eck.


Diana Eck is Professor of Comparative Religion and Indian Studies; Director, The Pluralism Project in Harvard University. "In 1996, Diana L. Eck was appointed to a U.S. State Department Advisory Committee on Religious Freedom Abroad, a twenty-member commission charged with advising the Secretary of State on enhancing and protecting religious freedom in the overall context of human rights. In 1998, Eck received the National Humanities Medal from President Clinton and the National Endowment for the Humanities for her work on American religious pluralism. " http://www.pluralism...bout/eck_cv.php


Many are the sources of funds for this project. "In the fall of 2000, the Pluralism Project was awarded a renewal grant from the Ford Foundation that enables us to continue our work documenting America's religious diversity. We will continue to fund affiliate departments and researchers, along with offering small teaching development grants for high school teachers." http://www.pluralism...out/history.php

Diana Eck keeps a close tab on the Witzel & Co. involvement in the California Sixth Grade Textbook review. The email exchanges and notes on the subject are rapidly posted on her website under the category called "Religious Diversity News -- California Textbook Controversy). http://tinyurl.com/cp69f
http://www.pluralism...versy&sort=DESC



Mike Ghouse wears many hats. He is Director, United Nations Association - Promoting UNICEF and UN's Charter; and also Director, Pratham - Literacy for every child in India. Rings a bell? Pratham is an ace project of naxal groups in India for catching the children young and telling them that the greatest hero is KPN. Their association with AID Inc., Maryland or ASHA for Education charities based in USA is another long episode. He is also President of Foundation for Pluralism. He is Advisory Board Member of  Free Muslims Coalition based in USA. See more at http://www.freemusli...bout/ghouse.php http://www.freemusli...about/board.php Mike Ghouse is a muslim from Bangalore and moderates two lists: http://groups.yahoo....ionforpluralism

http://groups.yahoo....p/dallasindians



Mike Ghouse's most important link with India is provided by the fact that he is a sponsor of Promise of India Appeal in 2003. He signed his sponsorship on behalf of Foundation for Pluralism, Dallas, TX, USA. http://tinyurl.com/7827j http://www.promiseof...eld=ALL&string=  Promise of India is the initiative of Raju Rajagopal. Raju Rajagopal was an early supporter of the Witzel &Co. letters of Nov. 8 and Nov. 26 in regard to the California Sixth Grade Textbook review.



On DalitInternational list (Dalit Digest 869), Mike Ghouse introduced himself in the following ringing terms, in response to a query by Tamizh Selvan concerned about the appeal for attending the 12 January SBE meeting in California:



Message: 3
  Date: Thu, 12 Jan 2006 11:48:01 +0530
  From: "Thamizh Selvan.JM" < selvan@isac.gov.in>
Subject: Re: Give Hindus a fair chance

My Dear Mike,

Can they oppose the caste system and untouchability also?

Hindutva and their allies, Yes, they have been given 5 years rule min INDIA.

During this period what they have done to eliminate caste & untouchability?

Did they passed, or at least wanted pass a law to Ban caste system?

Did they wanted to pass a law, to 'Marriages within caste groups are
punishable by capitol punishment?' or wanted to pass a cover-up law to hold the caste, called 'Uniform civil code?'.

Where the Social inequality & untouchability, social pain and torture,
exists in full swing, the Uniform civil code' invariably remove the protection given by
the law to the suffering untouchables across the country!

It is up to you to you judge the intention of the so called HINDUTVA!

Mr.Mike, please bring out more details about you, and your view and sympathy
towards this forum.

Thanks!

Thamizh Selvan.JM

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Quoting Mike Ghouse < MIKEGHOUSE@aol.com>:

> All the "presumed" Hindu Fascist groups have an opportunity to clean
> their slate, and an opportunity to tell the truth about them. It
> should be very easy to make this part of their manifesto.
>
> That they believe in India.
> That they treat every Indian with "full" dignity.
> That they will un-subscribe to the extremist ideology.
> That they don't believe in supremacy of any Indian over the other.
> That they will oppose any idea that treats any Indian less than their
> own friends like Mr.Modi.
>
> Let's allways keep on mind that Hindutva has nothing to do with
> Hinduism. Hinduism is the universe that India is, Hindutva has
> members who are Hindu, but they coflict with the Pluralist ethos of
> Hinduism. Same as the fundamenatalist Christians or Muslims, who do
> not represent Islam in general.
>
> Mike Ghouse
> DallasIndians@yahoogroups.com
> FoundationforPluralism@yahoogroups.com

In 2000, at the all India level, the poverty level for SCs, and the STs was 37% and 45% respectively; this was much higher than the Non SC/STs (20%).

The prevalence of hunger also highest for the SCs and the STs than that of other communities. More than half children belongs to the SCs and the STs are undernursihed (54% for SCs and 56% for STs) and about 44% of children belongs to other communities are undernurshied.

This goal has been measured by the literacy rate and gross enrolment rate.  According to Census 2001, the literacy among SCs and STs are lower than others. Again only half population belongs to SCs and STs are literate than about 70% of population literate belongs to others. In case of enrollment there was little higher for SCs than compare to others. 

The Crude Literacy Rate (defined as percentage of literates among the total population) of Scheduled Castes increased from 10.27 in 1961 to 45.20 in 2001 registering an increase of 34.9 percentage points in the last forty years. The crude literacy of Scheduled Tribes was 8.53% in 1961, which increased to 38.41% in 2001 registering an increase of 29.88 percentage points in the last forty years.

The literacy percentage of SC/ST when compared with the literacy percentage of other communities other than SCs /STs during 1991 & 2001 reflects that the literacy gap has decreased from 20.28 in 1991 to 14.12 in 2001 in respect SCs and from 28.09 in 1991 to 21.71 in 2001 in respect of STs to other than SC/ST,

Enrolment: Enrolment of SC and ST students has increased faster than the enrolment of all categories in Primary, Upper Primary, Secondary/Senior Secondary and Higher Education levels during the period 1995-96 to 2002-2003/2001-02. More so, percentage increase of ST enrolment is faster than that of SC enrolment.

The prevalence of hunger also highest for the SCs and the STs than that of other communities. More than half children belongs to the SCs and the STs are undernursihed (54% for SCs and 56% for STs) and about 44% of children belongs to other communities are undernurshied.

Black and Hispanic households had food insecurity prevalences that were at least 2.5 times those of White (non-Hispanic) households.

According to NFHS-II, The levels of IMR for the SCs at All India level was about 83 per thousand live births and for the STs was 84 which was considerably higher than for the Non SC/STs (68 per thousand).

Great event is over and no news in mainstream media.

Why do India's Dalits hate Gandhi?
By Thomas C. Mountain
Online Journal Contributing Writer

http://onlinejournal...ticle_603.shtml

Mar 17, 2006, 12:49

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In India, supposedly the world's largest democracy, the leadership of the rapidly growing Dalit movement have nothing good to say about Mohandas K. Gandhi. To be honest, Gandhi is actually one of the most hated Indian leaders in the hierarchy of those considered enemies of India's Dalits or "untouchables" by the leadership of India's Dalits.

Many have questioned how could I dare say such a thing? In reply I urge people outside of India to try and keep in mind my role as the messenger in this matter. I am the publisher of the Ambedkar Journal, founded in 1996, which was the first publication on the Internet to address the Dalit question from the Dalits' viewpoint. My co-editor is M. Gopinath, who includes in his c.v. being managing editor of the Dalit Voice newspaper and then going on to found Times of Bahujan, national newspaper of the Bahujan Samaj Party, India's Dalit party and India's youngest and third largest national. The founding president of the Ambedkar Journal was Dr. Velu Annamalai, the first Dalit in history to achieve a Ph.d in Engineering. My work with the Dalit movement in India started in 1991 and I have been serving as one of the messengers to those outside of India from the Dalit leaders who are in the very rapid process of organizing India's Dalits into a national movement. The Dalit leadership I work with received many tens of millions of votes in the last national election in India.

With that out of the way, lets get back to the 850 million-person question, why do Dalits hate M.K. Gandhi?

To start, Gandhi was a so-called "high caste". High castes represent at small minority in India, some 10-15 percent of the population, yet dominate Indian society in much the same way whites ruled South Africa during the official period of Apartheid. Dalits often use the phrase Apartheid in India when speaking about their problems.

The Indian Constitution was authored by Gandhi's main critic and political opponent, Dr. Ambedkar, for whom our journal is named and the first Dalit in history to receive an education (if you have never heard of Dr. Ambedkar I would urge you to try and keep an open mind about what I am saying for it is a bit like me talking to you about the founding of the USA when you have never heard of Thomas Jefferson).

Most readers are familiar with Gandhi's great hunger strike against the so called Poona Pact in 1933. The matter which Gandhi was protesting, nearly unto death at that, was the inclusion in the draft Indian Constitution, proposed by the British, that reserved the right of Dalits to elect their own leaders. Dr. Ambedkar, with his degree in law from Cambridge, had been chosen by the British to write the new constitution for India. Having spent his life overcoming caste-based discrimination, Dr. Ambedkar had come to the conclusion that the only way Dalits could improve their lives is if they had the exclusive right to vote for their leaders, that a portion or reserved section of all elected positions were only for Dalits and only Dalits could vote for these reserved positions.

Gandhi was determined to prevent this and went on hunger strike to change this article in the draft constitution. After many communal riots, where tens of thousands of Dalits were slaughtered, and with a leap in such violence predicted if Gandhi died, Dr. Ambedkar agreed, with Gandhi on his death bed, to give up the Dalits right to exclusively elect their own leaders and Gandhi ended his hunger strike.

Later, on his own death bed, Dr. Ambedkar would say this was the biggest mistake in his life, that if he had to do it all over again, he would refuse to give up Dalit only representation, even if it meant Gandhi's death.

As history has shown, life for the overwhelming majority of Dalits in India has changed little since the arrival of Indian independence over 50 years ago. The laws written into the Indian Constitution by Dr. Ambedkar, many patterned after the laws introduced into the former Confederate or slave states in the USA during reconstruction after the Civil War to protect the freed black Americans, have never been enforced by the high caste dominated Indian court system and legislatures. A tiny fraction of the "quotas" or reservations for Dalits in education and government jobs have been filled. Dalits are still discriminated against in all aspect of life in India's 650,000 villages, despite laws specifically outlawing such acts. Dalits are the victims of economic embargos, denial of basic human rights such as access to drinking water, use of public facilities and education and even entry to Hindu temples.

To this day, most Indians still believe, and this includes a majority of Dalits, that Dalits are being punished by God for sins in a previous life. Under the religious codes of Hinduism, a Dalit's only hope is to be a good servant of the high castes and upon death and rebirth they will be reincarnated in a high caste. This is called varna in Sanskrit, the language of the original Aryans who imposed Hinduism on India beginning some 3,500 years ago. Interestingly, the word "varna" translates literally into the word "color" from Sanskrit.

This is one of the golden rules of Dalit liberation, that varna means color, and that Hinduism is a form of racially based oppression and as such is the equivalent of Apartheid in India. Dalits feel that if they had the right to elect their own leaders they would have been able to start challenging the domination of the high castes in Indian society and would have begun the long walk to freedom so to speak. They blame Gandhi and his hunger strike for preventing this.

So there it is, in as few words as possible, why in today's India the leaders of India's Dalits hate M.K. Gandhi.

This is, of course, an oversimplification. India's social problems remain the most pressing in the world and a few paragraphs are not going to really explain matters to anyone's satisfaction. The word Dalit and the movement of a crushed and broken people, the "untouchables" of India, are just beginning to become known to most of the people concerned about human rights in the world. As Dalits organize themselves and begin to challenge caste-based rule in India, it behooves all people of good conscience to start to find out what the Dalits and their leadership are fighting for. A good place to start is with M.K. Gandhi and why he is so hated by Dalits in India.

Thomas C. Mountain is the publisher of the Ambedkar Journal on India's Dalits, founded in 1996. His writing has been featured in Dalit publications across India, including the Dalit Voice and the Times of Bahujan as well as on the front pages of the mainstream, high caste owned, Indian press. He would recommend viewing of the film "Bandit Queen" as the best example of life for women and Dalits in India's villages, which is the story of the life of the late, brutally murdered, Phoolan Devi, of whose international defense committee Thomas C. Mountain was a founding member. He can be reached at tmountain@hawaii.rr.com.

Thomas C. Mountain is the publisher of the Ambedkar Journal on India's Dalits, founded in 1996. His writing has been featured in Dalit publications across India, including the Dalit Voice and the Times of Bahujan as well as on the front pages of the mainstream, high caste owned, Indian press. He would recommend viewing of the film "Bandit Queen" as the best example of life for women and Dalits in India's villages, which is the story of the life of the late, brutally murdered, Phoolan Devi, of whose international defense committee Thomas C. Mountain was a founding member. He can be reached at tmountain@hawaii.rr.com.

From: "neelakandanaravindan" <neelakandanaravindan@...>
Date: Mon Mar 20, 2006  10:51 am
Subject: Caste-Colonialism-Capital and Dalits of Christian Germany Witzelian Fatherland 

Often Hinduism is criticized for its so-called rigid social stratification. The 'Caste' system has often been called the bane of Hindu society and some critics have gone to the extent of stating that this is the defining feature of Hinduism setting it apart from 'egalitarian' traditions like Christianity and Islam. Such critics of Hinduism also quote various Smrithis including Manu Smrithi. However, such social-stratification with divine sanction can be seen everywhere. In Europe as well as in Islamic countries such birth-based social stratification with demeaning position for certain manual professions have existed and they have been justified with divine sanctions. Then how come today rigid 'caste' structure exists only in India. Answer lies in colonialism and capital drain. With colonial expansion of Europe, Europeans spread over three continents completely destroying the natives there. In this extermination of races the 'promised land' imagery set the framework for interacting with native cultures. Africa, or America or Australia was envisaged by white settelers as the cannaites and were supposed to be exterminated by the 'divine will'. In association with this there was a tremendous capital creation which ushered in indutrial revolution and capitalism. All these helped Europe affordable to shift from birth-based divinely sanctioned social stratification to a class structured society. Nevertheless vestiges remain. But in the case of India, there was considerable capital drain during the corresponding period coupled with a colonial administration seeking to freeze the social stratification limiting all social mobility vertically and horizontally. Yet it is to the credit of Hindu nationalism that soical stratification has been challenged even amidst capital drain which tends to make the society rigid and hinder social changes. Varna is altogether different and can be seen as theoretical view of the functioning of society whether is caste based or class based.

This is my view of why the so-called caste still remains in India. i feel further convinced  of this thesis with the publication of the following important book that deals with -Dalits in the Christian Germany of Michael Witzel's ancestors- :
"Defiled Trades and Social Outcasts Honor and Ritual Pollution in Early Modern Germany"( Series: Cambridge Studies in Early Modern History) author: Kathy Stuart published by University of California, Davis.

This book presents a social and cultural history of ‘dishonourable people’ (unehrliche Leute), an outcast group in early modern Germany. Executioners, skinners, grave-diggers, shepherds, barber- surgeons, millers, linen-weavers, sow-gelders, latrine-cleaners, and bailiffs were among the ‘dishonourable’ by virtue of their trades. This dishonour was either hereditary, often through several generations, or it arose from ritual pollution whereby honourable citizens could become dishonourable by coming into casual contact with members of the outcast group. The dishonourable milieu of the city of Augsburg from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries is reconstructed to show the extent to which dishonour determined the life-chances and self-identity of dishonourable people. The book then investigates how honourable estates interacted with dishonourable people, and how the pollution anxieties of early modern Germans structured social and political relations within honourable society.

URL: http://www.cambridge...isbn=0521027217

i request Sri Kalyanji to make sure Ms.Sandhya Jain gets this important publication. Its publication is due this March.

S.an

VHP rejects `varnashrama', seeks end to untouchability
Staff Reporter
"It has no sanction in the Vedas and dharma sasthras"
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Alien aggressions could have led to practice of untouchability  Heads of mutts asked to give `manthra deeksha' to all State urged to withdraw cases against Kanchi Sankaracharya
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Erode: The fifth State Hindu Resurgence Conference organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Grama Koil Poojarigal Peravai has rejected `varnashrama' and sought an end to the practice of untouchability.
Addressing the conference at the CNC College grounds on Sunday, VHP international president Ashok Singhal said untouchability had no sanction in the Vedas and dharma sasthras. Ancient history and mythology had no record on it. Alien aggressions could have led to the practice. He called upon the heads of mutts to give `manthra deeksha' to all without discrimination.

Mr. Singhal said the VHP was outrightly rejecting `varnashrama dharma,' supposedly written in Manusmrithi, in the interest of consolidating Hindu unity to fight conversions and "Jehadi" terror.
Pension for poojaris
Expressing concern over the living conditions of grama temple poojaris, a resolution passed urged the State to give them Rs.1,000 a month. The families should continue to receive it after the poojaris' death. It sought free power supply to rural temples. The State government should ensure financial assistance for temple festivals and at least one pooja.

The resolution included a `Hindu Agenda' in the form of an appeal to political parties. It sought exemption for temple land from all land reforms legislation, a statutory autonomous board and a State dharmic council for "better" administration of temples.

It sought a ban on conversions and cow slaughter and decried demands for reservation to minorities.

It sought an end to discrimination on legal and constitutional lines in favour of minority institutions.

It urged the Centre to facilitate reconstruction of the Ram temple at Ayodhya and the State to withdraw all cases against Kanchi Sankaracharya.

Hindu population
Expressing concern at the "declining Hindu population, which was growing at 22 per cent as against the growth of minority population at 35 per cent," it urged the Centre to bring in a uniform civil code by implementing the directive principle under Article 44.

A resolution urged the Hindu vote bank to exercise their vote in favour of any party or alliance that pledges to protect their interests in the election manifesto.

www.hindu.com/2006/03/20/...330400.htm

One-day Consultation on
Addressing Social Equity in Achieving MDGs

OneWorld South Asia initiative on Equity and Social Justice
OneWorld South Asia an international organization recently initiated a programme on
Equity and Social Justice under its Knowledge for Development (K4D)
programme. The K4D attempts to build over number of Communities of Practice (COPs) by facilitating multistakeholders dialogues among key organisations engaged in achieving the MDGs. Integrating knowledge into ongoing development practices, the initiative on Equity and Social Justice is to address all round developmental issues of Dalits, Adiwasis and Minority Communities in a holistic manner and attempts to facilitate sharing and learning among COPs through both online and face-to-face interactions with a view to taking collective action for pro-poor policy changes. The major aims and objectives of this initiatives are to initiate action research for relevant knowledge on discrimination, social exclusion and deprivation of socially marginalized groups; debate focusing on discrimination, social exclusion and human rights of socially marginalized groups; develop partnerships and functional linkages through providing and sharing the knowledge for initiating action on public policies and contribute in transforming egalitarian social order into practice and advocate and campaign for promoting social inclusion, protecting human rights and prosper human development.

In this process we are planning to have a National Consultation on Addressing Social Equity in Achieving MDGs at  OneWorld South Asia, C 5, Qutab Institutional Area,  New Delhi  – 110 016 on Wednesday 22 March, 2006.

Background Note for Consultation
Equality and Justice are fundamental principle underlined in the UN Millennium Declaration, where about 190 heads of state and representatives of the Government declared and adopted the time bound goals for combating extreme poverty and hunger. On the basis of the principle, the Declaration further outlines set of inter-connected and mutually reinforcing goals, which include eight broad global agenda of human development popularly known as Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).


After 5 years the progress reports on MDGs often looked at national level. But the achievement in MDGs Indictors significantly varies within countries are as stark as the variation or gap between countries. These gaps reflect inequality in opportunity – people held back because of their gender, group identity (race, caste ethnicity and religion etc.). Such inequalities are unjust (HDR 2005).
The MDGs very often conceptualized at national level. But the achievement in MDGs Indictors significantly varies within countries are as stark as the variation or gap between countries. These gaps reflect inequality in opportunity – people held back because of their gender, group identity (race, caste ethnicity and religion etc.). Such inequalities are unjust (HDR 2005).
In order to address these issues and advocate for equity and social justice, we are planning to have one-day National Level Consultation on Addressing Social Equity in Achieving MDGs. This discussion tries to deals in a holistic manner with all round developmental issues of Dalits, Tribes, Women, Disabled, Children and other Minority Communities. The discussion would focus on the issues such as:
 Why Equity – for growth, productivity, for religious morality and for social justice (Theoretical framework/evidence to understand importance of equity perspective in development)
 Whether there is equity among different social groups with reference to MDGs Indicators and whether progress equally affected or benefited the all section of population groups
 Public Policy – constitutional rights and government intervention 
 Challenges – human rights violation and atrocity on dalits and communal violence
 Solutions – right to development, social inclusion and empowerment
Through this and other interventions, we hope to enrich the equity perspective in development and programmes of various stakeholders from different sectors including government, non-government, and public sector. We believe that your presence will provide this critical input into our endeavour.
More about our initiative please visit our website contains rich amount of knowledge base resources and advocacy materials: http://socialjustice.ekduniya.net/
Thanking you and looking forward to your presence and participation.  Please confirm you participation to s.venkatesan@oneworld.net (mob: 9868464212)

Best regards,
 
Dr.B.Shadrach
Director

And

S. Venkatesan
Knowledge for Development (Equity and Social Justice)


 

One-day Consultation on
Addressing Social Equity in Achieving MDGs

Wednesday, March 22
OneWorld South Asia
C-5, Qutab Institutional Area
New Delhi

9:30 a.m. - 10:00 a.m. Registration

10:00 a.m. - 11:00 a.m. Opening Remarks

– Dr. B. Shadrach, Director - Meeting Objective and Brief Introduction

– Address on (equity and development – understanding relationships)

– Address by CSO (social equity – as human rights)

11:00 a.m. - 11:30 a.m. Tea Break

11:30 a.m. - 1:00 p.m. Plenary Discussion – addressing challenges to achieve social equity in MDGs
Tentatively (5 members would be in the plenary)

Social inequality in MDGs:  unequal progress and persisting social disparity in India, by S. Venkatesan, OWSA

Dalits Satiation in Urban India by Ravi Patel, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi

Dr. Dileep Kumar, Dalits Women and Human Rights Violation – Grass Root Reality

Open discussion

1:00 p.m. - 2:00 p.m. Lunch Break

2:00 p.m. - 3:30 p.m. Group discussion- Social Equity in Achieving MDGs
Statistics to Solutions
Public action- polices/programme – Role of Civil Societies/ NGOs
Challenges – human rights violation and atrocity on dalits and communal violence
Statistics to Solutions – right to development, social inclusion and empowerment

3:30-4.00 p.m. Tea

4.00-5:00 p.m Presentation / Open discussion

5.00 p.m. Closing Comments
Dr. Nilay Ranjan (OWSA K4D - Education)

One-day Consultation on
Addressing Social Equity in Achieving MDGs

Wednesday, March 22
OneWorld South Asia
C-5, Qutab Institutional Area
New Delhi

Participants   Organization     Address
 
1. Antony Arulraj  CBCI Centre     New Delhi

2. Ramit Basu   National Social Watch Coalition  New Delhi

4. Rati Singh   Abhyudaya     New Delhi

5. E.ANBAN   BLIA      Chennai

6. VT Rajshekar  Dalit Voice     Bangalore

7. Dr. Umakant  HCDHR     New Delhi

8. Dr. Dillip Kumar  ISI      New Delhi

9. Kadirvellan   Peoples Watch     Madurai

10. Vimalanathan  NESA      Bangalroe

11. Babu Lal Sharma   Gandhi Peace Foundation   New Delhi

12. Prof. R.P Nath  IARASJ                  Aurangabad

13. Dr Priyadarshini Vijaisri
Center for the Study of Developing Societies,    New Delhi

14. Ravindra R. Patil  Jamia Millia      New Delhi

15. Shantanu Dutta  EHA      New Delhi

16. Moosa  On Dalit issues from Eastern U.P.

17. Mehar Chand on Health  from Western U.P.

18. Ramesh Shukla on Adivasis and Land Rights from Bundelkhand

19. Tanveer from Central U.P.

20. Utkarsh Sinha on Farmers and Agriculture from Tarai

21. Rajendra on Land reforms and land rights from Kaimoor Region

22. Dr. Dillip Kumar, ISI, New Delhi

23. B Mani,  REED Trust, Nagapattinam

24. Dinesh Suna, Policy Officer, CASA

25. J. Vijay, Cooperative Outreach of India, New Delhi

26. Monica Raina, Solution Exchange, NUDP, New Delhi

27. M Mahamallik, IIDS, New Delhi

28. R.ARUL, PASUMAI THAAYAGAM (Green Mother Land), CHENNAI

30. Rajni Tilak, NACDOR, New Delhi

31. Santhos Samle, Dalit Foundation, New Delhi

32. Dr. M.P. Rane, BSS India, New Delhi.

33. Prof. Sushma Yadev, IIPA, New Delhi.

34. Dinesh Agrawal, NTPC, New Delhi

35. NTPC, New Delhi.

36. Ratna M Sudarshan, ISST, New Delhi

37. Dr.Belinda Bennet Christian Aid, New Delhi

38. B. Muralidaran, Oxfam New Delhi

39. Vineeth Kumar, New Delhi

POLITICS OF DALITISM: creating Dalits among Dalits

By R.Upadhyay
http://www.saag.org/...4/paper331.html

The attempt of some of activists of Dalit movement in India to internationalise the issue in World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) concluded in the first week of September and follow up actions have created an impression that there is something basically wrong in the ideological orientation of the movement.  The word Dalit was coined in post-colonial India by the disciples of Ambedkar.  They did not accept the word Harijan (Men of God) used by Gandhi for the untouchables in Hindu social order because of their aversion against him.  The word Dalit therefore, became the vernacular terminology for the oppressed classes, with a wider connotation for electoral sociology in the democratic polity of the country.   

Mahatma Gandhi & Dr. Ambedkar: If we look to the history of Dalit movement, it is as old as the birth of the concept of untouchability, which was the darkest spot in Hindu social structure.  Though, Hindu reformists tried their best to fight against this social evil right from the days untouchability was born, the real concern over it came to surface during the freedom struggle, when Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. B.R.Ambedkar fought against it in their own way.  While Gandhi wanted complete eradication of untouchability for emotional integration of Hindu society, Ambedkar was for abolition of Varnashram structure of the Hindu social order.   

The conceptual difference between the two messiahs of untouchables continues to affect the Dalit movement even after their death.  While the disciples rejected Mahatma Gandhi for the sake of power and fulfillment of their personal ambitions, Ambedkar became a symbol of Dalit movement.  A clue to understanding Ambedkar lies in his hatred of Gandhi.  The activists of Dalit movement adopted the same philosophy against the upper castes and are still found boiling in the anger generated by their messiah Ambedkar.  Taking advantage of the violent landscape, which started emerging since the closing decades of twentieth century, the followers of Ambedkar adopted the sole agenda to create social disorder and capture power.  In both the situations, the process of social transformation in Hindu society, which took off in positive direction just after independence got disturbed.  

To understand the multi dimensional direction of the Dalit movement, we may briefly look into the difference between Gandhi and Ambedkar on this issue.  During the first Round Table Conference, when Ambedkar favoured the move of the British Government to provide separate electorate for the oppressed classes, Gandhi strongly opposed it on the plea that the move would disintegrate the Hindu society.  He went for an indefinite hunger strike from September 20, 1932 against the decision of the then British Prime Minister J.Ramsay MacDonald granting communal award to the depressed classes in the constitution for governance of British India.  

In view of the mass upsurge generated in the country to save the life of Gandhi, Ambedkar was compelled to soften his stand.  A compromise between the leaders of caste Hindu and the depressed classes was reached on September 24,1932, popularly known as Poona Pact.  The resolution announced in a public meeting on September 25 in Bombay confirmed -" henceforth, amongst Hindus no one shall be regarded as an untouchable by reason of his birth and they will have the same rights in all the social institutions as the other Hindus have".  This landmark resolution in the history of the Dalit movement in India subsequently formed the basis for giving due share to Dalits in the political empowerment of Indian people in a democratic Indian polity.    

Even though Ambedkar was a party to Poona Pact, he was never reconciled to it.  His contempt against Gandhi, which continued even after his assassination on January 30,1948.  On the death of Gandhi he expressed, "My real enemy has gone, thank goodness the eclipse is over".  He equated the assassination of Gandhi with that of Caesar and the remark of Cicero to the messenger - "Tell the Romans, your hour of liberty has come".  He further remarked, "While one regrets the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, one cannot help finding in his heart the echo of the sentiments expressed by Cicero on the assassination of Caesar".  Considering Gandhi as a "positive danger to this country", he quoted from Bible that "sometime good cometh out of evil, so also I think good will come out of the death of Mr. Gandhi" ( Gandhi and Ambedkar - Saviours of Untouchables by Sheshrao Chavan.  Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan publication 2001, page 263-64).   

The reaction of Ambedkar over the death of Gandhi may be viewed as a politics of negation for vengeance against the caste Hindus and also for political power for Dalits.  He felt, "the problem of depressed classes will never be solved unless they get political power in their own hand" (Thus spoke Ambedkar by Bhagwan Das).  He however, did not clarify as to how in a democratic polity of pluralistic society, Dalits would be the sole custodians of power.  

Post Ambedkar Dalit Movement:  The post-Gandhian and post-Ambedkar Dalit activists re-invented the direction of their movement, which was by and large focussed towards developing the negative ideas in a dark room.  They are yet to take the next step to focus their negatives in light for positive prints.  In the absence of a scientific endeavour their movement lags in its march towards social reform, as it has more or less become a platform for the political empowerment of some individuals for their personal ambitions and vested interests.  This is not only against the concept of equalitarian Hindu sociology of Vedic India but also against the concept of democracy.   

The present clash for Dalit leadership has confirmed the theory of C.Rajagopalachari that many Dalit leaders are interested for continuance of the undesirable status of Dalits for the fulfillment of their personal ambitions.  Disagreeing with Ambedkar on Dalits issue he said, "…This is material explanation for the violent dislike of Gandhiji exhibited by Dr. Ambedkar, who looks upon this great and inspired reformer as the enemy of the untouchables, meaning thereby of the educated and ambitious among them who find that the depressed status furnishes short cut to position".( "Ambedkar Refuted"page 33, Hind Kitab Publishers: Bombay 1946) 

It may be partially true that political empowerment is key to social and economic empowerment as suggested by Ambedkar but this cannot be the sole criteria for the social equality of Dalits.  The representatives (122 -76 SC and 46 ST in parliament against its strength of 543 and 1085 -556 SC and 529 ST in state assemblies against their strength of 4370) of Dalits in parliament and state assemblies in sizeable strength have been sharing political power for last fifty years.  But if they have failed to bring a desired social change and economic upliftment of Dalits, there is something wrong in the movement, which is yet to be identified.  The students of the constituting history have therefore, a right to know from Dalit activists the reason behind the failure of their representatives sharing political power. 

One may be amused to understand that how only160 Dalit delegates under the umbrella of National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights in WCAR would have fought for the cause of Dalits in India if the representatives of Dalits sharing political power could not assert and agitate for the cause of their community? An objective analysis of the prevailing social condition and sentiments in India may corroborate the theory of C.Rajagopalachari that Dalit movement has become a vehicle to promote the personal interest of some individuals or groups. 

The Dalits despite empowerment are not a political force – why?:  In the absence of an All India mind with a cohesive and unified perspective, Dalit movement has also failed to emerge as a strong political force.  Dalits are divided into hundreds of castes and sub-castes.  About 56 percent of Dalit population belong to about 20 dominant castes among them.  These dominant castes are presently grabbing all the privileges provided to the Dalits constitutionally.  Even Dr.Ambedkar failed to give an intellectual explanation to unify them together, as a result, his political influence during his life time also remained confined to only Mahar caste of his community in the Maharashtra region. 

Dalit activists, due to lack of actual ideological direction are not clear whether they are interested to ensure the material prosperity of Dalits or equal status in Hindu social order.  Untouchability has almost disappeared, as touch of Dalit is no more considered to have any polluting affect on caste Hindus.  However, so long the Dalits enjoy the benefits of reservation in Government jobs and admission in academic institutions, they may have to bear the stigma of being considered unequal in merit to the caste Hindus.  The objective of Dalit movements should be therefore, to erase such stigma, which is possible only if Dalits get a chance for their proper education befitting to the standard required for competitions.  

Vested interests in Command:  Contrary to the objective of the movement discussed above, the managers of Dalit movement due to their vested interest do not want their people to be cleansed from the stigma of reservation and the agony of their past humiliation of being treated as untouchables.  In stead of fighting for transformation of the Hindu social order, they are found more interested to promote themselves as Esperanto of United Nations politics.   With weapon of hate, they are neither able to fight against the social inequality and injustice effectively nor in a position to contribute any significant social change.   

In stead of looking on the growing consciousness among the educated caste Hindus against the social evil of caste discrimination against Dalits and appreciating this positive change, the Dalit activists ignore and understate the development.  Their sole aim is now pointed towards personal ambitions at the cost of their community.  This has created a new class of Brahmins among the Dalits, who are now exploiting the actual Dalits by grabbing the benefits meant for the latter.  This may look like a paradox, but it is the hard reality. 

The on going Dalit movement is gradually losing its track.  Its multi-dimensional character based on the philosophy of love and hate is unfortunately turned into political theocracy, which is contrary to the basic concept of the total transformation of Hindu social order.  Inciting the Dalits against the caste Hindus for historical agony without any honest effort for their emotional integration with rest of the Hindu social order is neither in the interest of this disadvantaged section of population nor in the interest of the nation. 

The shrinking influence of the so called Brahminsm in electoral politics, social transformation, spiritual movement, or even other public affairs are enough indications of gradual changes in Hindu sociology.  Dalit movements with a view to create social disorder by promoting caste hatred against the upper castes of ancient Varnashram system will simply halt the process of the on going social transformation.  With their political empowerment by occupying the post of President, Union Cabinet ministers, Chief ministers, and bureaucrats, Dalits are gradually getting more opportunities for achieving social empowerment under democratic process.  By gaining more confidence, Dalits are now found to be quite assertive of their rights.  This however, does not mean that they have been acceptable in community dining or inter-caste marriage, which is not even prevalent within the various Dalit castes.   

The objective of any social reform movement is to ensure a peaceful, decent and dignified life for every body without any social confrontation.  But, unfortunately the Dalit activists are so obsessed and possessive in their approach towards the historical agony of their community that they have made the latter as prisoners of Dalitism, which hardly has any constructive plan for creation of a just social order.  Their slogan for abolition of Varnashram (professional units) system and total abolition of caste is an utopian concept, which will never take root in the diverse and pluralistic Indian society. 

Casteism is the bane of Indian society but the Indian people accept caste as a hard reality.  Even the Christians and Muslims boast themselves of their upper caste heritage.  In South India even Christians are maintaining visible distance from the Dalit Chritians as the latter continue to have separate church, separate burial ground and even separate places for social interactions.  Similarly, even Muslims in India and Pakistan there is no inter- caste marriage among the Sheiks, Syed, Paithan and others because of their upper caste heritage before conversion. 

The three Dalits groups and their separate agenda:  As far as the present Dalit movement is concerned, it is in the hands of three vested interest groups of Dalit politicians, Dalt writers and Chrisian missionaries.  Dalit political leaders like Kansi Ram and Ms Mayawati of Bahujan Samaj Party and Ram Vilas Paswan of Lok Jana Shakti are having their influence exclusively among the members of their own community.  They can never come to power on their own due to their limited influence among the voters.  For coming to power they are compelled to join some other parties dominated by caste Hindus.  They are therefore, hardly in a position to bring any social change. 

The second group, which claims to be the champion for the cause of Dalits is of Dalit writers.  Their personal ambition and ego have kept them away from the common Dalits, who are illiterate and poor.  They are more interested in their self-promotion than serving the cause of their community.  Their possessiveness is often mistaken as love for Dalits.  Since they do not get enough space in media to spit venom against the caste Hindus and are hardly in a position to play an effective role in electoral politics, they are always in search of the forces through which they could get national and international recognition.  They have therefore, joined hand with forces (third group) determined to disintegrate the Hindu society. 

The interest of the third group in Dalit movement is to de-Hinduise the Dalits and promote their proselytisational endeavour.  The argument of this group that Christian society does not have any caste discrimination is not based on ground reality.  The Dalit Christians are facing the problem of caste discrimination even in Christian society.  Such discrimination is prevalent in Kerala even after the death of Dalit Christians, whose corpses do not find any place in the cemetery meant for upper caste convert Christians. T.V.Rajshekhar, a Dalit writer, while speaking in a seminar (Church and Dalit) organised by Christian leaders in Madras on June 14, 1986 said that Dalit Christians form about 80 percent Christian population in India but contrary to what Jesus Christ preached, the Dalit Christians are also the victim of caste discrimination as they have separate burial ground, separate churches and separate dwelling places. 

Ever since the promulgation of presidential order No 19 of 1950 debarring the Dalits of non-Hindu and non-Sikh community to be included in the list of Scheduled castes, the Christian missionaries have been facing difficulty in alluring the Hindu Dalits for their conversion.  For this they have already launched a movement for constitutional privileges for Dalit Christians.  If they succeed in alienating the Dalits from Hindu social order, the entire Dalit community will get the benefit of constitutional provisions and it will help them in their mission for proselytisation.   

Indian Social Institute(ISI), a Roman Catholic Mission outfit organised a meeting on "Durban and Dalit Discourse: Post Durban Scenario" on September 20.  The meeting was organised with a view to forming a "broad alliance of disadvantaged section of society to battle the status quo that would prefer to keep them on the periphery of the country's social structure" (Hindu dated September 24).  The move of the institute is to internationalise the issue.  Had it not been so, it should first cleanse the Christian society in Kerala.  In fact the Christian missionaries are also facing a dilemma of the isolation of Dalits from the affluent sections of the community.  Dr. Prakash Luis, Executive Director of ISI said, "There is a sense of vertical divide within the community between the socially mobile 'Brahmanical Dalits' and the real Dalits among Dalits". 

Conclusion: In the backdrop of the dialectics of Dalit movements, it appears that the Dalits have now become the victims of the politics of Dalitism being played by various groups.  Instead of fighting the evils of caste discrimination in Hindu society, the Dalit movement has given birth to neo Dalitism, which hardly has any difference with the polluted Brahmanism. 

The movement, which does not have the ingredients to bring about reconciliation among conflicting social groups and fails to accelerate the process of social harmony and human dignity, is bound to lose real direction.  Dalits should therefore be very careful about the politics of Dalitism being played by vested interests not only at the cost of the disadvantaged community but also at the cost of social harmony, which is more dangerous for the nation. 

(The analysis in the paper is based on the personal perception of the writer.  E-mail: ramashray60@yahoo.com)

Seeking 'social justice' through US intervention
SUDHEENDRA KULKARNI         
Posted online: Sunday, October 30, 2005 at 0000 hours IST
I consider Babasaheb Ambedkar's address to the Constituent Assembly on November 25, 1949, the day before India gave herself a Republican Constitution, one of the greatest speeches ever made by an Indian.

It contains two cautionary thoughts. Firstly, he exhorted vigilance against internal treachery that could make India lose her hard-won independence again. (Ambedkar was brutally frank in citing cases of collaboration with alien powers in India's history.) Secondly, he warned that India would not become a dynamic nation without political empowerment, social justice and economic progress of the downtrodden.
 
So far, India's achievement on each of these counts has been non-trivial, although an immense lot still needs to be done. Whatever has been achieved is due to a combination of legally mandated reservations; democracy-induced shift in the social base of political power; declining importance of caste in economic interactions; and heightened social awareness that untouchability is wrong.

However, Ambedkar's two warnings have begun to sound timely. Look at some of the disturbing trends in the debate on reservations in the private sector. I am a strong votary of affirmative action by the private sector — not exclusively through reservations, but with a mix of mandatory and voluntary initiatives to massively expand opportunities for education, skillset development, employment and entrepreneurship to benefit the SCs, STs, OBCs and even the poor among other classes and communities. This has become all the more urgent since government and PSU jobs are shrinking for justifiable reasons of right-sizing and, simultaneously, the private sector is growing rapidly thanks to liberalisation and globalisation. Unfortunately, our political and business establishments have so far refused to debate this matter squarely, focusing not on vote banks but on practical options that can harmonise the ends of both social justice and economic growth.

No less questionable is how some activists are advocating reservations in the private sector by lobbying for foreign interference in India's domestic policy-making. It's doubly dubious because their not-so-hidden aim seems to be to defame Hinduism by misprojecting caste as a human rights issue on global platforms, in order to make a case for mass proselytisation with the active help of foreign evangelical organisations.

Earlier this month, the Dalit Freedom Network (DFN), represented by its president Joseph D'souza, who also heads the All India Christian Council, and social activists Udit Raj and Kancha Ilaiah testified before US lawmakers urging them to intervene to ''end caste and stop atrocities against low caste Indians''. They sought reservations in US enterprises in India (BPO units, etc) as well as in the World Bank, IMF and USAID projects. Their loony logic: ''Indian industry, including the print and electronic media, would have to provide reservation for Dalits, tribals and OBCs if US companies do so.'' (If they had their way, the editorship of this newspaper would be reserved on a rotational basis!) Ilaiah (whose books include Why I am Not a Hindu and Buffalo Nationalism: A Critique of Spiritual Fascism) also favours taking the issue of caste — and private-sector reservations — to EU Parliaments and to all the veto-power nations in the UN.

Our intellectuals and politicians need to debate several serious issues that arise out of DFN's audacious way of securing changes in government policy and religious demography in India through foreign, especially US, intervention.

ONE: Which self-respecting nation would countenance such a move? Can Indian Parliament decree on race relations in America or dictate to Wipro or Infosys on what kind of job quota they should have for African-Americans and Hispanics in their US units?

TWO: Hasn't the world had enough of US interference in others' domestic affairs in the name of ''human rights'' and ''democracy''?

THREE: If Hindu extremists deserve to be slammed (yes, they do) for indulging in hate propaganda against other faiths, can there be a different yardstick for those who equate Hinduism with ''spiritual darkness'' and spread lies abroad such as: ''The clay cup is a symbol of Dalit oppression and throughout India (250 million) Dalits are forced to drink out of clay cups which are then destroyed so that no upper caste customer will ever use it and risk 'contamination by a Dalit's uncleanness'.'' (DFN sells one-dollar-per-clay-cup as an awareness-creation strategy in USA. See DFN's website and links for this and other discoveries.)

FOUR: Doesn't the overtly anti-Hindu — not just anti-Hindutva — propaganda by non-Hindu groups, with a thinly veiled agenda of conversion of Dalits and tribals, harm communal harmony? (Recall last week's violent Muslim-Christian clash in Alexandria, Egypt, on the issue of conversions.)

FIVE: Which community is free of deficiencies within? And whose obligation is it to effect reforms in one's religion — that of its own followers or others?

LASTLY, does religious freedom include freedom to slander or belittle other religions, purportedly in the name of reservations? Let's ponder, honestly.
Write to sudheenkulkarni@expressindia.com

Dalit or Harijan?

Self-Naming by Scheduled Caste Interviewees

The terms harijan and dalit have evolved over the last many decades, with the latter more or less replacing the former in published works of recent years. What do members of the scheduled castes call themselves?
Alan Marriott

The most socially and politically acceptable name for the most disadvantaged members of Indian society has changed over the years. Outcaste and untouchable have become unacceptable (although, sadly, still having some descriptive validity). They were replaced, chronologically, by harijan in the middle of the 20th century and subsequently dalit in last decade or two of the century. These names are closely associated with M K Gandhi and B S Ambedkar, respectively and the shift in the status of the names is linked with changed attitudes in the broader political environment as the relative standing of Gandhi and Ambedkar has altered. However, although these changes in usage have clearly occurred among politically aware commentators it is not so apparent what members of the least privileged social groups in Indian society (officially, and perhaps neutrally identified as scheduled castes) call themselves. This study examines the results of a survey in which interviewees were asked to give the name of their caste.

...................

Dalit is now almost universally preferred among researchers and writers. In the Economic and Political Weekly, for example, there has been a marked increase in the number of papers with dalit in their title from the 1980s. There were just 13 papers between 1981 and 1990 compared with 62 in the following decade – including a veritable rush of 33 papers in 1995-97. Harajan appeared in just two titles – in 1981 and 1986.

...................

While most of the scheduled caste respondents gave their jati, a proportion recorded a generic name, but while harijan (or harizan or some other spelling) was used by 1351 respondents in 18 different states, and a number of respondents used scheduled caste, not one respondent chose dalit. In addition some respondents gave harijan qualified by their jati, e g, harijan parayar in Tamil Nadu

...................

Whatever the reservations about the data the scale of the difference in the use of dalit and harijan suggests that there is a real contrast in the preferred name chosen by external commentators and SC people themselves. Ambedkar may be winning the posthumous rivalry among the scribbling classes but Gandhi remains the dominant opinion-former among the SCs themsleves.

BANGALORE: Chief Minister H.D. Kumaraswamy on Friday gave away the
Ambedkar Award to Shivamurthy Murugarajendra Swamiji of Chitradurga and seven others for their contribution for the uplift of Dalits, at a function to celebrate the 115th birth anniversary of B.R. Ambedkar.

The swamiji, who is known for having trained and anointed a Dalit as the head of a math, said in his acceptance speech that he had chosen this path because it had been the way of the Buddha, Basavanna and Ambedkar, who "only grew in strength at every adversity and defeat, and went on to inspire a mass movement."

Many people believed and spread the belief that he did it for publicity, and he had been taken to court and harassed for having chosen to work with the Dalits and fight for their rightful place in society.

koenraad elst send the following mail that risa types want answers to
the following. will someone on RISA please post my questions there, too?

begin quote from some risa type

end quote from some risa type

sure enough. as soon as they answer the following:

1. how many major churches in the us that are patronized by whites have
any black priests or leaders?
2. how many christian leaders who are black have significant numbers of
whites among their followers? how about vice versa? how many blacks are
members of cults like pat robertson's, oral roberts', and so forth?
3. how many blacks sit on the governing board of the mormons? of the
vatican? of the catholic church in the us? of the southern baptists? of
the unitarians? of the christian scientists? of the moonies? of the
episcopalians? of the methodists? of the seventh day adventists?
4. how many blacks hold high leadership positions in the salvation army,
which is the closest equivalent to the RSS? how many hispanics do? how
many asians do? same questions for the republican party? the democratic
national council?
5. why is it that blacks always seem to form separate
sects/cults/churches whose membership is predominantly or exclusively
made up of blacks rather than whites? same question for chinese,
koreans, filipinos, hispanics, etc?
6. if the leaders desired the recognition and respect of whites what
name do you think they call themselves by, black, hispanic, korean,
chinese etc or just christian?

talk of people living in glass houses! the christian church is far more
oppressive and discriminatory than any hindu ever was! so is american
society in general.

heal thyself first before pontificating to others!

Rajeev,

1. Hindus have organised themselves for centuries around a loose
structure of duties that are maintained through descent. Being a priest
may be very prestigious in other faiths but in Hinduism it is an onerous
responsibility. It is not a particularly attractive position that
someone would aspire to. The austerities and discipline required is
beyond the reach of most people

2. Brahmanas are by no means the only priestly jati. In TN there are
many groups of non-brahmin priests - the pandarams (who run temples all
over suoth TN and in Malaysia and Sri Lanka perform vedic rituals but do
not wear a sacred thread. and then there are sivacharis, and several
otrher classes of non-vedic priests officiating at sakthi/amman temples.
sometimes the same temple that has a sivachari performing regular
rituals may invite a brahmin priest once a year for a vedic ritual.

3. In the Jagannath temple at Puri */the brahmin priests are not allowed
inside the garba griha of Sri Jagannatha. /*The privilege is restricted
to the tradtional guardian tribe whose priests are called the /badus/.

4. In TN there are many temples among the smaller 'specialised' shrines
where people of all castes worship. These could be a local deity like
the village protecting Ayyanar or Muniswaran, or Karuppannaswami or many
otehr Ammans. Sri Jayendra Sarasvati has gone out of his way to frequent
these shrines and participate in the local ritual taking prasadam from
the hands of Adi-Dravidar priests.

5. The VHP has gone out of its way to train priests from the tibes and
dalit communities and has the lal langots (red breechcloutwalas) in
twists because of this. Because caste while a minor facet of Hindu
practice is the bedrock upon which Hinduhaters have built their
theories. Take away caste (by no means an easy task) and the entire
rationale for hating Hindus collapses

Of course these crooks will find something new to criticise within Hinduism.

No comment

http://www.newstoday...sade/291102.htm
'CASTE' IN THE SAME  MOULD!
       
Just sample these familiar insertions in the  Sunday matrimonial pages of any
newspaper:

* CSI Nadar Christian  invites alliance... 
* CSI Adi dravida  wants ... 
* Roman Catholic  wants...except SC/ST.. 
* Protestant Pillai  seeks... 

Welcome to the  'casteless' egalitarian world of Christianity. Or at least,
that is what the  board outside Evangelists Inc claims. Then what do the above
advertisements that  routinely appear in very secular newspapers point to?
Well, they reveal what  really one confronts behind the facade, the truth, the
whole truth and nothing  but the truth, but unfortunately kept captive by an
army of lies.

Frankly it  does not need much effort to nail all these
self-evident bluster regarding 'a  casteless' Christianity, nor do they qualify as a
closely held secret. As they  say, everyone knows. But there is certainly a
crying urgency to brush up the  facts, for, the key weapon brandished by the
champions of conversions is the  'oppressive caste-system of Hinduism'which is
deemed as justification enough for  people to migrate to Christianity. And the
orchestrated indignation and  self-righteousness with which these paragons
sermonise from the roof-top make  one almost believe for a moment that they are
right after all. That is the power  of lies, told repeatedly and at high decibel
levels. And couched as it is in  holy attire, it would make even Goebbels feel
shy. 

The singular theme of  all their protests, agitations, memoranda to those in
power and of course all  those secular editorials in newspapers is that the
oppressed classes have now  been deprived of their only means of salvation from
the clutches of caste.  Obviously, those editorial writers do not care to see
what appears in their own  papers as advertisements but their ignorance can be
ignored for there are more  people who read the ads than those reading the
edits, thankfully. And therefore  it is common knowledge that, even in
Christianity, salvation for a Nadar lies  only with a Nadar, a Pillai gets
invariably wedded to a Pillai, and Dalits  continue to be 'untouched' by the 'Caste
Christians', with the healing touch of  the new order remaining a pipe dream.

All these happen by conscious choice as is  evident from the 'detailed'
specifications that prospective brides and grooms  take special care to mention.
In fact, with several sects and an equal number of  churches dotting the Christian
landscape, there is also a strong tendency to  remain within those folds also.
Thus the system of castes, clans and sub-sects  thrives merrily in the promised
land too. The upper caste converts,  particularly, tend to carry forward their
erstwhile superior status to their new  faith too as a means of justifying
their change of religious loyalties to their  angry Hindu castemen whom they had
deserted. They wouldn't countenance a  dilution of their caste status! 

Of course, diligent  conversionists have been quick to point out that
casteism is a legacy of  Hinduism and Christianity cannot be blamed. What an
untenable excuse! Sure, but  did they not promise to erase these evils when
swallowing the hungry multitudes  into their flock? Again, by saying so, are they not conceding defeat in their  'fight against casteism'? Or was it that the fight
was never intended to be  fought in the first place and was just a lure to
attract those in anger and  distress? We all know, and make no mistake, they all
know too. It is just that  these torch bearers of the 'true faith' somehow feel
most comfortable riding on  falsehood to reach their destination of 100%
harvest. And little wonder they  keep tripping. That's the fate of all those who
rely on lame horses. Now to the  question on everyone's lips, be he an
intellectual or an imbecile: If  Christianity, as they themselves confess albeit
in defence, has failed to  address the scourge of casteism and instead solidifies
it even more, then why at  all should the oppressed classes be made to change
religious colours?  Elementary, Mr Evangelist! 

Let's now move on to  the pride of Indian Christianity, the Dalits, for whom,
incidentally, the  'casteless faithful' are vehemently fighting for the same
SC/ST benefits that  are available to their counterparts in 'caste-ridden'
Hinduism. These are the  people who, owing to their sheer numbers and greater
distress (what arithmetic,  what altruism!) had been 'identified' as 'ideal'
targets for conversion to  Christianity by the 'founding Fathers'. And in a true
measure of the success of  their time-tested techniques, the Dalits, according
to some estimates, now form  a mammoth majority of the Christians of India.

These children of Hari -  harijans -, as Gandhi used to refer to them, became
children of Jesus -  let's baptise them as Jesusjans - in great numbers and with
greater hopes  of economic prosperity and more importantly, social
emancipation. Now do we know  for sure, if Jesus had succeeded where Hari
failed? I quote below from a Letter  to the Editor published by a national daily a few years back: 

"Any one who is aware  of the rural social scenario will agree with me that
Dalit Christians get the  same treatment as Hindu Dalits. Adding salt to
injury, they are also looked down  upon in their own religion. 

Is it Christian that  a few upper caste communities corner all the benefits
under the pretext of  minority rights and corner power? 

Is it Christian to  seek funds from abroad under the guise of evangelism and
social uplift by  selling Dalits' shame and helplessness in the West? 

Is it Christian to  keep the Dalits off the power structure and manipulate
funds? 

Is it Christian to  attach caste surnames to their Christian names and
identify themselves more with  the caste than Christ? 

Is it Christian to  allot separate places in the Churches, separate chapels
and even separate  graveyards for their Dalit bretheren? 

Is it Christian to  deny self-respect to the less privileged members of the
congregation? 

Let us face things.  Dalit members are being exploited in every way by the
power wielding upper caste  Christians. 

To plead for the  Dalits in public posing as their protectors, and to kick
them in private has  become the order of the day in many Churches." 

Amen! Need I say  anymore of the fate of the Jesusjans? It is doubtful if
these type of  letters will find a place in the 'suddenly secular', 'minority
sensitive'  national dailies of today. On the contrary the flavour of the season
in the  media now is to join the chorus of lies let loose by the evergreen
evangelists  whose stock of untruths has neither bottom nor a cap.In feigning
outrage, the  Christian outfits are a class by themselves. What a hue and cry
about the  neighbour, when actually, it is their own cupboards that are
overflowing with  skeletons! Indeed, crocodiles must learn some lessons from
these holy humbugs on  how to shed tears for their'victims'. Such perfection of pretence can only come  by practice. And the secular playfield offers them ample scope for that. 

But in their  evangelical euphoria, they seem to be overdoing their bit,
unmindful of the four  fingers pointing inward. Their claims fly in the face of
facts. Now, why not  book these jittery Johnnies under the law banning forcible
conversions for  continuing to make false promises to the gullible and then
luring them into  their fold? After all there is as much casteism, if not more,
in Christianity as  in Hinduism; so how can they mis-represent their 'product'
to be a better one?  If this does not constitute fraudulent means, I wonder
what else does. I  hereby rest my  case!

http://www.newstoday...sade/221102.htm 
CRUCIFYING  MORALITY             
                                                   
http://www.newstoday...sade/251102.htm
BELIEVERS  BEWARE!

Untouchability not Hinduism-Ashok Singhal
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www.organiser.org
—Ashok Singhal
The Manu Smriti or the Yagyavalkya Smriti has no connection with Adi Manu or the Sage Yagyavalkya. The Smritis were written during the reign of Pushyamitra about 2200 years ago. There is no reference of such Smritis in the Mahabharata also,” said Shri Ashok Singhal, VHP president in a statement issued in New Delhi recently.

He said, “There are two portions in the Smritis—Yama and Niyama. Yama consists of eternal values while the Niyamas were the periodic governing laws or codes of conduct meant for running the affairs of the state of the then kings. There are more than 300 Smritis. They have little to do with the eternal values of dharma. These have been responsible for gross discrimination that is alien to our concept of ekaatmataa (integralism) that is expounded in our ancient scriptures—the Shrutis (the four Vedas—the eternal revealed scriptures) and the Upanishads.”

Shri Singhal said that the caste untouchability never existed in Hindu society. “It is the creation of the Muslim rule. Because those who fought and refused to embarace Islam were punished for their commitment to their indigenous ethos and thrown out of the society as untouchables. These heroic people are enlisted as Scheduled Castes. We must differentiate between the Scheduled Castes and the shudras. Shudras were held with respect before the advent of the Smritis and the Scheduled Castes are of recent origin created during the Muslim rule,” he added.

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad totally rejects the Manu Smriti as it has no place in a civilised society. The Dharma Sansad and the Margadarshak Mandal of VHP have totally rejected the caste untouchability. They have decided to give Mantra Deeksha without any discrimination. He said in the Vedas, there is no discrimination amongst the four Varnas. All are considered genius and masterminds in their own fields and all looked upon one another with respect. Recitation of the Vedic mantras in daily life was practiced by the entire society irrespective of Varnas. (FOC)